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GEOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS ON EASTERN EUROPE 



Geographical Essays 

on 

Eastern Europe 



Edited by 
NORMAN J. G. POUNDS 



INDIANA UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS 
RUSSIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN SERIES, VOL 24 



Published by 

Indiana University • Bloomington 

Mouton & Co. • The Hague, The Netherlands 

1961 



RUSSIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN SERIES 

RUSSIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN INSTITUTE 

INDIANA UNIVERSITY 

Volume 24 



Copyright ©1961 by Indiana University 

No part of this book may be reproduced in 

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PREFACE 
This volume of essays began as a symposium on Eastern 



c 

I 

< 



Europe, held at the annual meeting of the Association of Amer- 
ican Geographers, at Dallas in April I960. Three of the papers 
read at that meeting are published here, but unfortunately it did 
not prove possible to include a summary of points raised in the 
discussion, as no record was kept at the time. It was decided 
to supplement the original papers with papers invited from East- 
ern Europe. Fortunately Doctors Kosifiski, Kuklinski and Roglic 
were able to accept the invitation to contribute. The editor wishes 
to express his appreciation of the helpfulness and consideration 
shown by the contributors and also of the invaluable assistance 
given him in preparing their contributions for the press by Mr. 
Theodore C. Myers, of the Department of Geography, Indiana 
University. 

Bloomington, Indiana Norman J. G. Pounds 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



PREFACE Norman J. G. Pounds 

LIST OF MAPS AND DIAGRAMS 

The Concept and Political Status of the 

Shatter Zone Gordon East 

Demographic Problems of the Polish Western and 

Northern Territories Leszek Kosinski 

Land Use on the Hungarian 

Plain Norman J. G. Pounds 

Problems of the Polish Cement 

Industry Antoni Kuklinski 

Changes in the Agricultural Geography 

of Yugoslavia George W. Hoffman 

The Geographical Setting of Medieval 

Dubrovnik Josip Roglic 



Page 

v 

vii 



28 



54 



75 



101 



141 



LIST OF MAPS AND DIAGRAMS 

Page 

1. The Middle Tier of States, after 

H. J. Mackinder 3 

2. The Belt of Political Change in Europe, 

after J. F. Unstead 5 

3. The Isthmian Triangle, after 

L. W. Lyde 7 

4. The Shatter Belt, after R. J. Russell 

and F. B. Kniffen 9 

5. The Eastern Marchlands of Europe, 

after H. G. Wanklyn 10 

6. East Central Europe, after G. W. Hoffman ... 11 

7. Administrative Divisions of the "Western 

and Northern Territories of Poland 30 

8. The Population of the Western and Northern 
Territories of Poland, 1939-1958 34 

9. Urban Population of the Western and Northern 
Territories of Poland, 1939-1958 35 

10. Native Population of the Western and Northern 
Territories of Poland in 1950, as percentage of 

total population 38 

11. Re- emigrants and repatriates in the Western 

and Northern Territories of Poland in 1950 ... 40 

12. Re-settlers from selected neighboring 
voivodeships 43 

13. Re- settlers from selected distant voivodeships. 44 

14. Types of sex and age structure of the popula- 
tion of the Western and Northern Territories 
in 1950: A, an agricultural region, the powiat 

of Gryfice 46 



15. Types of sex and age structure of the popula- 
tion of the Western and Northern Territories 
in 1950: B, a large city with strong immigra- 
tion, Szczecin 46 

16. Types of sex and age structure of the popula- 
tion of the Western and Northern Territories 
in 1950: C, an agricultural region with a 
native population making up a high proportion 

of the total, the powiat of Mr^gowo . 46 

17. Vital statistics in Poland, 1950-1958, per 

thousand inhabitants 48 

18. Components of the population growth in the 
Western and Northern Territories in 1951-1957, 

per thousand inhabitants 49 

19. The Hungarian Plain 56 

20. Land Use in Hungary, after Foldrajzi Atlasz, 

1958 64 

21. Farmland in Hungary as percentage of total 

area, 1938-1939 66 

22. Arable land in Hungary as percentage of total 

area, 1938-1939 67 

23. Grain crops in Hungary as percentage of total 

area, 1938-1939 68 

24. Number of cattle, horses, sheep and pigs per 
thousand cadastral hords 69 

25. Location of Cement Mills in 1959 77 

26. Distribution of the sources of materials used in 

the cement industry 80 

27. Regions of cement production in Poland, 

1938-1965 83 

28. Market area of individual cement works, I. . . . 85 

29. Market area of individual cement works, II . . . 86 

30. Cement works in the Opole district of Poland . . 94 



31. Administrative divisions of Yugoslavia 102 

32. Yugoslavia: agricultural area by categories of 

land use, 1958 112 

33. Yugoslavia: arable area by method of 

utilization 115 

34. Yugoslavia: agricultural land as percentage of 

total area, 1955 121 

35. Agricultural regions of Yugoslavia 128 

36. The Territory of the Republic of Dubrovnik . . . 145 

37. The Position of Dubrovnik in relation to the 
shipping route along the Dalmatian coast 146 

38. The Position of Dubrovnik in relation to its 
hinterland 149 

39. The topographical position of Dubrovnik 153 

40. The evolution and structure of the city of 
Dubrovnik 156 



xi 



THE CONCEPT AND POLITICAL STATUS OF 
THE SHATTER ZONE 

By Gordon East 
Visiting Professor at the University of 
California, Los Angeles 1959-1960 and Professor 
of Geography of the University of London 



Geographers have always been prone to divide continuous 
land areas in the attempt to explain the complications of their 
geography. A particularly large range of terms has been used 
to designate a large sector of Europe accounting for almost a 
seventh of its area, and this sector has been variously delimited, 
namely the area which has been called the 'Belt of Political 
Change in Europe, ' 'East-Central Europe, ' the 'Isthmian Triangle, ' 
the 'Shatter Zone (or Belt), 1 the 'Eastern Marchlands of Europe, ' 
and even the 'Devil's Belt. 1 Clearly geographers express them- 
selves freely, uninhibited at times by scientific terminology! 
Of course, it can at least be claimed that a chosen nomenclature 
and a chosen delimitation find justification in a particular context 
and for a particular purpose. At any rate, it would seem to be 
implied that this portion of Europe, which has engaged the at- 
tention especially, but not exclusively, of geographers, is 
geographically significant, i.e., a 'region' on some valid basis. 
This matter deserves consideration and clarification. 

This substantial fraction of Europe's territory, however 
named and delimited, has been marked off on sketch-maps by 
reference to criteria of physical or cultural geography, or of 
both. This has been done in part geometrically — by drawing 
straight lines; topographically— in relation to coastlines, rivers 
and marshes; and politically, by the use of selected boundaries 
of states at specified times. The areal results of such delimita- 
tions are in no sense co-terminus. Sufficient correspondence, 
however, is achieved to suggest that, within somewhat different 
frames, this easterly area of the continent has well marked 



2 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

geographical characteristics and can be validly distinguished. 
If this is so, the apparent licence of geographers in their choice 
of names and limits may find excuse and we can take heart with 
Lucien Febvre's assertion 1 : "it is not the definite bound or frame 
that is of prime importance, but the thing framed or bounded — 
the expressive and living center of the picture. The rest is only 
a margin. " We can rightly contend, too, that the lines of division 
on our maps are always at best approximative, since no true lines 
exist in Nature, although international boundaries approach the 
nearest to true lines. 



I have been at some pains to try to discover when geographers 
were attracted to the study of this area as a unit and how they 
delimited and designated it. It seems clear that their interest 
first fastened on 'Central Europe' and 'East Europe 1 and that in- 
terest in 'East- Central Europe' so-called was aroused by the 
effects of World War I. Further, it seems also true that these 
terms were, in some measure, either concepts of political 
geography or concepts shaped consciously or unconsciously by 
political considerations. 

The concept 'Central Europe' has been recently discussed 
in the light of a wide, and mainly German literature, and I am 
concerned with it here only marginally. Sinnhuber recalls the 
various bases on which Central Europe was conceived and the 
widely different shapes it accordingly assumed; indeed only one 
area of the Continent — the Iberian Peninsula — failed to appear 
in any of the many Central Europes proposed. 3 Regions of this 
kind, we may infer, are very much figments of the geographer's 
mind, and we are unlikely to over-estimate their value as concepts. 
Yet it is instructive to note here that Central or Middle Europe, 
as Mitteleuropa, was above all a German cultural idea, very 
much related in this century to the territorial extent of the German 
and Austro-Hungarian empires and to the areas beyond them 
where German settlement, speech, culture and interests extended. 
Thus, Partsch's delimitation of Central Europe in 1903, while 
professedly related to physical criteria, appears no less politically 
conceived. 5 It included, for example, Romania and the Balkan 
countries of Serbia, Bulgaria and Montenegro — areas of German 



MIDDLE TIER OF STATES (MACKINDER) 




RUSSIA 



* \ Got N w'\ ^/ 



«■». 




Figure 1: The Middle Tier of States, after H. J. Mackinder, 
(Boundaries as given by Mackinder). 



4 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

and Austrian politico- economic interest. It excluded, however^ 
Poland which then survived as 'the ten Polish provinces' of the 
Russian Empire. A few years later Hettner , although he sought 
topographic limits, added Poland to Central Europe. Banse 7 
went further in 1912 by including in his Central Europe the Baltic 
provinces of Russia, as well as Poland, and by excluding the 
rest of Russia from Europe; thus for Banse, Central Europe 
was also the most easterly part of the Continent. And Hassinger's 
Mitteleuropa (in 1917), which included the Low Countries, Alsace- 
Lorraine, Bulgaria and most of Romania and present-day Yugoslavia, 
clearly owed something to political as well as landscape considera- 
tions . 

It is enough to note here that Central Europe became recognized 
as one of the five major divisions of the Continent. Even though 
geographers did not agree about its limits, it was commonly taken 
to have three components— Western Central Europe, Danubian 
Central Europe and Vistula Central Europe. 9 It was the two last 
named, with additions to the north and south of them that came to 
be known as East-Central Europe or the Shatter Zone. It should 
be remembered that Danubian Central Europe advances south into 
the South-eastern (or Balkan) Peninsula of Europe which, in virtue 
of its physical geography and in sharp contrast with the Italian 
and Iberian peninsulas, lies open to the main area of the Continent. 

Among English-speaking geographers H. J. Mackinder was the 
first to draw attention to East- Central Europe as an area of special 
politico-geographical interest, although he did not give it a specific 
name. Writing in 1918, in advance of the decisions of the Con- 
ference of Paris after World War I, he emphasized 10 the 'vital 
necessity' of a tier of independent states as a buffer between 
Germany and Russia within what he regarded as 'East Europe' 
(Fig. 1). He even proposed for consideration an exchange of 
peoples between East Prussia and Poznan, so that the former might 
revert to Poland as an area of Polish nationality and the latter 
remain in Germany with a truly German population. A few years 
later J. F. Unstead 11 discussed the geography of this group of 
states under the title 'the Belt of Political Change in Europe' 
which, for him, formed part of 'Central Europe'. Unstead' s belt 
coincided with Mackinder' s tier, except that he included Finland 
and was able to show on his map (Fig. 2) the newly defined bound- 
aries of the states interposed between the U.S.S.R. to the east 
and the boundaries of Sweden, Germany, Austria and Italy to the west. 




Figure 2: The Belt of Political Change in Europe, after 
J. F. Unstead. 



6 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

In retrospect it is clear that Unstead's paper spotlighted 
the main problem area of inter-war Europe. Certainly it was 
preceded and followed by a wealth of publications relating to the 
problems presented by World War I. A few of these may be 
recalled. A. J. Toynbee's Nationality and the War 12 , published 
in 1915, had explained the nature and political importance of the 
nationalities of Europe and the Near East. In the, same year, 
Marion Newbigin's Geographical Aspects of the Balkan Problems 13 
outlined against the geographical background the complex problems 
of this cockpit of diplomacy and war. A. Meillet 14 in France and 
Leon Dominian 15 in the United States had recently published 
generalized studies, together with distribution maps, of the 
language groups in Europe, while Isaiah Bowman's The New World, 
which appeared in 1921 , devoted about half of its length to the 
European sector of an uneasy post-war world. But Bowman and 
other geographers writing about the post-war territorial settlement 
at that time — for example Dr. H. J. Fleure in 1921 17 -—concerned 
themselves with Central Europe and its parts and did not single 
out East-Central Europe as such. Nor did Bowman in the fourth 
edition of The New World, although he added maps of language 
groups and minority groups, many of which lay within this zone. 

The term 'East-Central Europe', given the conventional idea 
that Europe extended to the Ural Mountains, acquired validity 
after World War I which marked, on the one hand, the collapse 
of those German hopes of hegemony over a loosely federated 
Central Europe which Friedrich Naumann expounded and, on 
the other, the creation of a tier of states, between Germany and 
the U. S. S. R. from Finland in the north to Yugoslavia in the south. 
Whittlesey was using the term in 1939 19 , R. E. Dickinson in 1943 20 
and G. W. Hoffman in 1952 * > although they did not entirely agree 
about its extent. L. W. Lyde in 1931 22 used the phrase 'the 
Isthmian Triangle' for an area smaller than, but contained within 
East- Central Europe and bounded by two lines drawn from the 
Bay of Danzig, one to the head of the Adriatic at Aquileia near 
Triest and the other to the Danube delta (Fig. 3). He conceived 
this as a transitional area linking or dividing the two main parts 
of Europe; the one 'peninsular or really Europe' and the other 
'continental or Asiatic'. It was isthmian because of its relation 
to the Baltic, Black and Adriatic seas. The figurative term 
'Shatter Belt' (or 'Zone'), drawn from geomorphology, for which 




Figure 3: The Isthmian Triangle, after L. W. Lyde, 



8 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 



•25 



Geza Teleki tells us 'Devil's Belt' was a locally known alter- 
native, has also had its sponsors. The first English-speaking 
geographer to use the 'Shatter Zone' (using it within quotes) 
was R. Hartshorne 24 in 1941. A little later (in 1943), R. E. 
Dickinson 25 wrote: 

"Thus, East Central Europe stands out as a "zone of 
political change", or "a political shatter belt", in which 
new states emerged in place of the Austro- Hungarian 
Empire and the western provinces of Russia. " 

In 1944 Hartshorne used 'Shatter Zone' in the title of his contri- 
bution to Compass of the World and it appears, more recently, 
as 'Shatter Belt' in Culture Worlds 27 (Fig. 4). 

To these various names can be added yet another — 'The 
Eastern Marchlands of Europe' — the title adopted by Mrs. J. A. 
Steers 28 for her study of a group of nine political units of Europe: 
Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Danzig, Czechoslo- 
vakia, Hungary and Yugoslavia (Fig. 5). This is a shorter list 
than that of Unstead's belt, but the author clearly believed that 
her title covered also Romania, Bulgaria, Albania and Greece. 
More recently, A. E. Moodie 9 has used this descriptive phrase 
to cover his discussion of the political geography of six states 
of the 'Shatter Belt' which make up a compact block of territory. 
Figures 1-6 show the degree of correspondence between the 
territorial concepts of the several geographers. 



II 

Many interwoven themes have been developed to support the 
claim that the Shatter Zone is a geographically significant unit. 
Some of these range back to the past, both recent and remote, 
for it is recognized that in these lands the cultural past lives in 
the present. Each of these themes is susceptible of critical 
examination and it might then well appear that their relevance 
was not always to the whole zone but only to parts of it. The 
interweaving of the themes, too, at times confuses rather than 
enriches the melody, and there are variations on the major 
themes. 

One main theme explains the Shatter Zone as a zone of 
transition, on grounds alike of physical, vegetational and cultural 




Figure 4: The Shatter Belt, after R. J. Russell and F. 
B. Kniffen. 




Figure 5: The Eastern Marchlands of Europe, after H. G. 
Wanklyn. 




Figure 6: East Central Europe, after G. W. Hoffman. 



12 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

geography, between oceanic Europe ^.nd the European approaches 
to northern Asia. Thus for Russell and KniffenJ the 'Shatter 
Belt' is a transitional area between 'culture realms' of Europe. 
For this reason, too, it has been characterized as a frontier, 
which, as C. B. Fawcett 31 argued (in 1921), is essentially 
zonal and transitional. By her choice of title, Mrs. Steers 
underlines the frontier character of the zone, although she 
regards it as lying within and not marginally to the Continent. 32 
The transitional character of the region culturally is illustrated 
by the effects of its religious history. The authority of the 
Catholic (Roman) and Eastern (Byzantine) Churches met within 
it; in certain areas, for example, eastern Poland, Transylvania 
and the eastern Carpathians, some people became Uniate Christians, 
acknowledging the Pope but retaining their Eastern ritual. As 
Fleure noted, it was in the debatable area of weakness between 
the authority of the two Churches—- -in the Danubian lands and the 
Carpathian arc — that the Ottoman Turks were able to drive a 
wedge of Islam. Protestantism, too, made inroads into the 
Shatter Zone, notably into Transylvania, Bohemia, Finland and 
the Baltic States. And it contained, especially in Poland, Lithuania 
and Bessarabia, which all formed part of the Hebrew Pale, 34 
several million Jews. 

On the cultural side, again, much is made of the fact that 
East-Central Europe largely lacked the impress of Roman 
civilization, forming part of the so-called 'barbarian world'. 
This is not true however of its Greek, Balkan and Danubian 
components which, for rather different periods of time, formed 
parts of the Roman Empire. De Martonne noted the sharp 
descent into East- Central Europe from the cultural levels reached 
to the west, as well as its prolonged political instability which 
he related to its ethnic complexity. Another theme is that of 
location which E. C. Semple suggested was always the supreme 
geographical fact in the history of any country or people. The 
Shatter Zone, we are reminded, occupies an intermediate and 
interior position within the Continent between peninsular western 
Europe, with its direct access to the ocean, and the Great Russian 
Lowlands with a landscape and climate already north, or Siberian, 
in type. East-Central Europe, so located, enjoyed allegedly 
excellent facilities for transit — by routeway, river, road and 
eventually railroad — between north and south, and east and west 



The Shatter Zone 13 

Europe. The role of the loess belt in providing routeways west- 
wards from the Polish (Galician) platform and from the Wallachian 
and Hungarian lowlands has in particular been emphasized. 3? 
Yet this facility can be exaggerated, for circulation is dependent 
on cultural no less than on physical geography: Cvijic 38 noted, 
for example, that in the Hungarian Plain, for political reasons, 
the government ceased to allow intercourse between the Serbs 
and other Slav peoples of the Hungarian kingdom in the early 
railway period. 

The concept of the Shatter Zone has called forth other themes, 
drawn from history, including near- contemporary history. It 
has been the anvil on which fell hammer blows delivered from the 
east, north and west. It has been exposed continually to pressures 
and thrusts from outside — of nomadic intruders, oriental con- 
querors, German warlords, Swedish kings, and the imperialist 
expansion of neighboring states. Within this main theme is 
contained that of the recurrent conflict of German and Slav, from 
the early days of German eastward colonization to the "World War 
II expansion of the Soviet Union, successor to the Tzarist Empire. 
In relation to this conflict there has also developed the conception of 
East-Central Europe as a buffer zone, or as a zone of buffer 
states. This is how it clearly appeared to Mackinder 39 , as also 
to the Western Powers at the Conference of Paris after World 
War I. So too it appeared in the late thirteenth century, largely 
through the efforts of the Poles and the Hungarians, who success- 
fully arrested the advances of the pagan Mongol hordes 40 and 
thus defended Christian Europe to the west. In the sixteenth 
and seventeenth centuries, armies drawn from East-Central 
Europe sought, though with less success, to throw back the 
Moslem forces of the Ottoman Turks who long remained to con- 
trol Danubian, Balkan and Greek lands. It is worth noting that 
the 'anvil' and 'buffer' themes ignore the fact that several nations 
of the Shatter Zone were themselves vigorously expansionist at 
certain historical periods. The Bulgars, the Serbs and the 
Hungarians all had periods of 'imperialist' greatness when, by 
force of arms, they established political power over wide areas 
and over other ethnic groups. Poland, also, dynastically linked 
with Lithuania, was a composite state and a great power, ruling 
at times Ukrainians and White Russians; in 1610 it actually in- 
stalled a Polish tsar in Moscow for a short period. 



14 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

Consideration of the above themes helps our understanding 
of the 'Shatter Belt' and also to characterize it. Successive 
phases of history have created there a zone of political weakness, 
marked by sharp cultural divisions of many kinds — ethnographic, 
linguistic, religious, economic and political. The maps of the 
distribution of its languages and nationalities are the summation 
of a long sequence of migrations, settlement and national de- 
velopment. They reveal complexities which contrast markedly 
with the much simpler patterns in Europe to the west and north, 
although migrations, mainly enforced and mainly of Germans 
during and shortly after "World War II, have simplified these 
maps, notably in Poland and Czechoslovakia. Economically and 
culturally the peoples of the Shatter Zone long remained poor 
and backward — land- holding and landless peasants and large 
landowners, often absentee or alien. They lacked a strong native 
middle class, because modern industry, and with it urbanization, 
intruded belatedly. Indeed, by 1914 what has been called 'tech- 
nical' or 'industrial' Europe had reached from the west only into 
Bohemia, Upper Silesia and a few cities farther east within the 
zone. 

Above all else, the individuality of the Shatter Zone derives 
from the existence there of numerous national groups and from 
the persistence there of politico- territorial organizations essen- 
tially multi-national and imperialist in character. Certainly, 
and despite its relative ease of circulation, the Shatter Zone 
provided in early days a variety of 'core areas' which sustained 
the evolution of national groups, differentiated culturally, not 
least in language. We may recall as core areas of national 
growth the middle Elbe plain (Polabi) of the Czechs, men of the 
plain ; the plateaus cut by the upper Vistula and Warta rivers 
where the Poles, plainsmen too, first developed. In contrast, 
the Romanians were hillmen, men of the forests and mines, finding 
refuge within the Transylvanian mountains and their foothills, 
whereas the Magyars, horsemen whose wealth was in flocks and 
herds, spread over the plain further west, some of it being steppe 
and thus well suited to their economic and social needs. 42 The 
Serbian nation found its first homelands in the upland basins of 
Raska in the western part of the Balkan peninsula, while the 
nomadic Bulgars, settling down among the pre-existing Slav popu- 
lation, established their first capitals in the eastern part of the 
lower Danubian platform which now bears their name. The many 



The Shatter Zone 15 

major nationality groups of the zone, from Finland to Greece, 
are non-German. Two of them — the Finns and the Magyars — 
have a remote linguistic relationship, but the bulk are Slav. 
From an original single Slavonic tongue spoken some 1,500 
years ago have developed many distinct Slavonic languages, 
some of them with literary forms standardized later in the 
nineteenth century. With the several languages go, but not 
invariably, the several Slav nationalities, distinguished geo- 
graphically into a West Slav group — the Czechs, Slovaks and 
Poles — and a South Slav group — Slovenes, Croats, Serbs and 
Bulgarians. The two groups are separated by a wedge of non- 
Slav country occupied by Austrians, Magyars and Romanians. 
But 'Slav' indicates only a language relationship and the Slav 
nations were deeply divided culturally — by religion, alphabet, 
historical traditions, as well as by language. The case of the 
Croats and the Serbs, who share a common spoken language, 
emphasises the sharpness of social differences, for their polit- 
ical, ecclesiastical and cultural associations have been wholly 
divergent. Indeed, community of language among the Slav nations 
in no sense fostered community of inter est, and the situation was 
remotely far from that dreamed of by a seventeenth- century 
Catholic Croat 4 , namely "one race, one language, one religion 
for all Slavs". 

Although the alleged ease of circulation within the Shatter 
Zone might be thought to have favored intercourse and thus 
assimilation of national groups, nothing of the kind occurred. 
Clearly the opportunity of travel was limited to the few — to 
officials of church and state, to merchants and to armies — while 
the means of locomotion were no less limited before the arrival 
(after 1850) of the railroads. In the main, the mass of the 
population, being peasants and shepherds, were tied to their 
habitats; localism long prevailed to foster linguistic and national 
differentiation. The Ottoman Turkish Empire, whose Sultan 
was spiritual leader, or Caliph, of Islam, was a theocracy and 
made very little attempt to assimilate its many and varied 
Christian and Jewish communities. And the many policies 
applied from time to time to effect assimilation by coercion — 
Germanization, Magyarization, Russification and even Helleniza- 
tion — served to sharpen rather than to weaken national differences 
and attitudes. 



16 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

'Nationalism' in the Shatter Belt came late, — in the nine- 
teenth century, stimulated no doubt by the ideas of the French 
Revolution. What is more fittingly called 'patriotism' 44 — the 
love of country and the desire to protect it — had long been 
vigorous among the nations of the Shatter Zone, notably among 
the Poles, the Czechs, the Hungarians and the Serbs. When 
national consciousness developed with the recognition not 
merely of cultural but also of separatist political objectives, 
existing conditions made their attainment impossible. There 
was thus no forging of well integrated nation- states within 
recognizable frontiers as was characteristic of western and 
Scandinavian Europe. Indeed, although national feelings were 
strong and deeply rooted, there were no less strong enmities 
between the nations, so that they proved a divisive and thus 
politically weakening force, similar to "that mixture of races 
which has made the Near East a plague to humanity". 45 
Nationalism, sharpened though also held in restraint by alien 
imperialist regimes, found full vent only after World War I and 
was marred by the common attitude of holding neighbours in 
contempt and in hatred. 

Moreover, until the 'surgical' refugee movements of World 
War II and after, the map of the nationalities in East- Central 
Europe, while clearly revealing the main national concentrations, 
showed also the many outlying groups of other nationalities which 
gave rise to most of the minority problems of Europe between 
the wars. Of the outlying groups, those of Germans were the 
longest established, the most numerous and the most widely 
spread, sufficiently so indeed to lend support to the German 
territorial concepts of Deutschland and Lebensraum . But there 
were many other minorities — Swedes in Finland, Lithuanians 
living among Poles, Ukrainians and White Russians in Poland, 
Hungarians in otherwise Romanian- settled Transylvania, Italians 
in Istria and Dalmatia, and large colonies of Jews in the towns. 
In addition, there were the inextricably 'mixed' populations, 
notably of Bessarabia and Macedonia, where the medley of the 
nations was such as to defy cartographic representation. Indeed 
for many nations there were no evident, unmistakable limits, 
even if their rulers had wished (as they did not) so to circumscribe 
their territories. The rulers of many countries, such as Poland, 
Hungary and Romania, might well have said, as Frederick the 



The Shatter Zone 17 

Great said of his Prussian inheritance: "my frontiers are my 
armies. " Thus the more culturally advanced and more firmly 
organized states which bordered or intruded into the Shatter 
Zone, notably Prussia, Austria and Russia, as well as the Otto- 
man Empire, were able to subject the nationalities of the zone 
to a political status more or less dependent from place to place 
and from time to time. 

The territorial settlement of Europe after the Napoleonic 
Wars lagely ignored national claims in East-Central Europe, 
although it created a titular Poland with the Tsar as King, and 
reached solutions broadly agreeable to the rulers of the multi- 
national states of Austria, Prussia and Russia which regarded 
their countries as family property. The so-called Holy Alliance 
of these three rulers worked to suppress national (and liberal) 
aspirations and to maintain the political status quo . Prussia 
later (1871) forged the German Empire, and its Chancellor, 
Bismarck, by skillful diplomacy, kept the three empires in co- 
operation. Broadly, too, a policy of supporting and thus preserv- 
ing the outworn and enfeebled Ottoman Empire was pursued, so 
that, following the early success of the Greeks in the 1830's in 
winning their independence, the Balkan and Romanian peoples 
achieved freedom only slowly and mainly during the later nine- 
teenth century. In short, Imperialist' solutions of the Shatter 
Zone's problems long endured. Over most of its area from the 
late eighteenth century until World War I these solutions, or 
rather expedients, were resorted to, not without a measure of 
success. On the positive side of the ledger; it can be noted that 
law and order broadly prevailed over widely integrated areas 
and that economic advances were made; thus, for example, the 
creation of a single customs union within the Austro- Hungarian 
Empire in 1866 was a notable achievement. On the negative 
side, however, must be recorded the restraints imposed on 
subject peoples, like the Czechs, who had built the workshop 
of this Empire, the tyranny indulged in by the Hungarians who 
had been able (in 1867) to exact their price for cooperation with 
the Austrian Emperor, and the reduction of the Kingdom of 
Poland to the status of a group of provinces of the Empire of the 
Tsar. Moreover, in pursuit of its policy of Drang nach Osten , 
the German Empire had come (by 1914) to dominate the trade 
throughout most of the zone and thus to pose the problem of 
possible political domination. 



18 Geographical Essavs on Eastern Europe 

III 

The term 'Political Shatter Belt' thus applies above all to 
East-Central Europe as it emerged from World War I with its 
new political patterns of sovereign and independent states created 
in accordance with Western political theory. Of the new states 
some were historic, like Poland and Hungary, but within new 
territorial frames; others were newly fashioned and by no means 
simple nation states, notably Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. 
While these new units gave a rough recognition to the nationalistic 
aspirations of peoples long subject to one of four empires, they 
fitted uneasily into East- Central Europe where feelings between 
nations were so strong, national populations so intermingled, 
cultural levels so uneven and the social structure more Russian 
or even Asiatic than Western 47 . While some progress was 
achieved, as with agrarian reform in Romania, Czechoslovakia 
and Yugoslavia, with the institution of universal suffrage and 
the forging of political and commercial relations with western 
Europe, economic life suffered from the political fragmentation 
created and from the doctrine of economic nationalism. The 
Shatter Zone well deserved its name; divided against itself, it 
was no effective buffer between Germany and the U. S. S. R. , 
even if it was more successful for a time as a cordon sanitaire 
against Bolshevism. Most of the nations, given their long 
experience of political dependence and low levels of education, 
were little ready for genuine democratic government of the kind 
that Czechoslovakia achieved. Several, too, although they had 
won their own political independence, found themselves, perhaps 
not unwillingly, rulers of many members of other nations. Only 
the temporary weakness of both the U. S. S. R. and the German 
Republic allowed the members of the zone a phase of independent 
life; and political change, which Unstead noted as its chief 
characteristic, was renewed when Hitler launched his assault 
first on Czechoslovakia and then on Poland, and Mussolini invaded 
Albania. Mackinder's tier of states proved not a strong and 
coherent 'state- system', but only a pack of cards to be shuffled 
once again. It had become part of the German Lebensraum , but 
under the Russo-German Pact of 1939, had to be shared between 
its two powerful and intrusive neighbors. The Shatter Zone was 
once again the pawn of great Powers. 



The Shatter Zone 19 

The post-World "War I settlement in the Shatter Zone, in 
applying the principle of national self-determination, had broadly- 
established political patterns co-extensive with those of nation- 
ality and language. This experiment, which might appear to 
have been inescapable, given the nationalistic forces of the time, 
produced politico- economic fragmentation and proved nonviable. 
Since all of the countries of the zone, from Finland to Greece, 
fighting on one side or the other, were invaded and devastated 
during World War II, it was also clear that new solutions of its 
problems would be necessary. 

Much had been learnt in the West from this failure and new 
ideas were taking shape. It was widely realized that the inde- 
pendent and sovereign state, especially if it was weak in resources, 
was an anachronism, and even more so if it sought to be economic- 
ally self-contained. The nation state, as such, while it offered 
conditions for cultural self-expression, increasingly appeared 
parochial in a shrinking world of ever improving means of circu- 
lation. Some nations at least had shown themselves capable of 
marked social aberrations, after they had won political inde- 
pendence: they tended to show separatist, xenophobic, even 
aggressive tendencies. The boundaries of independent states 
had acquired ever increasing rigidity as frameworks for living J 
could not the administrative requirements of states be met with- 
out division into such sharply defined compartments? 48 And 
lastly, not even the wisdom of Solomon could determine just 
boundaries for nation states in the Shatter Zone, where national 
territorial claims are irreconcilable. 

Clearly the idea of political association seemed promising. 
While proposals for federating Europe, like Pan-Europa plans 
in the 1930's, had no immediate practical value in and after 1945, 
ideas of Balkan, Danubian and Slav confederations, which were 
not new, seemed worth more serious consideration; indeed they 
found a sponsor in Dimitrov Georgi, Premier of Bulgaria, in 1947. 
Alternatively, the idea of customs unions seemed promising. As 
Hartshorne 9 envisaged the problem during World War II, the need 
was to find such means of associating freely the peoples of the 
zone as would also provide a major element in its own defence. 
While union or federation could not be thought practicable, he 
believed that the new political units should be large, democratic- 
ally organized but not national in character. The search was thus 
for strength through cohesion and for cohesion amidst diversity. 



20 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

But the problem of the Shatter Zone did not fall for solution 
into the hands of western publicists nor even into those of western 
statesmen; it received a Soviet Russian solution. Writing in 
1918, Mackinder 50 deplored the fact that the Vienna settlement 
of 1815 after the Napoleonic wars had been made by Metternich 
and Talleyrand; the settlement after World War I, he hoped, 
would be made by British and Russian brains. His hopes were 
deferred in part at least, but the reshaping of the Shatter Zone 
after World War II was very much a Russian solution, even 
though the brain at work was that of an Asian from Georgia. It 
is necessary here, in concluding this discussion to note briefly 
how the political problems of the zone have been met during the 
last fifteen years. 

As R. R. Betts put it, a great revolution has taken place 
in the orientation of the peoples of the zone; they now look east- 
ward where formerly they looked westward, thus reversing a 
relationship which had lasted for most of them for a thousand 
years. Political stability, which Hartshorne sought, has been 
found, doubtless at a price and doubtless not without misgivings 
and protest — witness the incorporation of Estonia, Latvia and 
Lithuania into the U.S. S.R. and the revolts in Eastern Germany 
(an addition to the zone), Poland and Hungary. This settlement 
is not without its nuances and its compromises. The position of 
Finland, Yugoslavia and Eastern Germany in particular, diverges 
from the general pattern. Finland entered the Russian Empire 
in 1809 with a special status. It secured autonomy and recogni- 
tion of its national identity as an Archduchy with the Tsar as 
Duke. It won its political freedom after World War I within 
boundaries more generous than the U.S. S.R. could permanently 
accept 52 and fought two wars during 1939-1945 in the attempt to 
preserve them. Despite its failure, however, it preserves its 
democratic institutions, democratic in the western sense, but 
is nevertheless fixedly oriented politically and commercially to 
its great neighbour. 53 Yugoslavia won its freedom by its own 
efforts; it did not need to be 'liberated' by the Red Army. It 
has established a federal political system, clearly well adapted 
to the diversities of its lands and peoples and, while staunchly 
communist in ideology, has escaped subservience to Moscow and 
opened a window to the West. Stalin's plans clearly miscarried 
in Yugoslavia. The entry of Eastern Germany into the re-formed 
Shatter Zone also deserves notice. This Russian- created German 



The Shatter Zone 21 

Democratic Republic is doubtless valuable to the Soviet Union 
but it is also inconvenient. It is valuable in that it justifies 
the continuance of the U.S.S.R. 's military lines of communica- 
tion across Poland 4 and substracts fully a quarter from total 
German economic potential; inconvenient in that it associates 
with the other satellites part of an ex- enemy state and makes 
it difficult for the U. S. S. R. to frame its policy toward the 
German people. 

Relative stability has come to the Shatter Zone under com- 
munist regimes and under the sanction of Russian military 
power, and some gains from this change should be recorded. 
The importance of political boundaries between the satellite 
members of the zone has certainly been reduced, although this 
has brought a hardening of the boundaries between Communist 
Europe and the West: the Iron Curtain of popular speech. The 
outlying area of East Prussia was cut off from Germany in order 
to give Poland (and the U.S.S.R. ) better frontages to the Baltic; 
part of it enlarges the Lithuanian S.S.R. which received also, 
from Poland, the formerly disputed Vilnius area. Poland, 
reshaped, smaller but more compact, and with the whole of the 
Upper Silesian coalfield in its hands, has been deprived of eastern 
territories where White Russians and Ukrainians formed the major 
groups. Czechoslovakia, too, has lost its Ruthenian territory, 
which is now part of the Ukrainian S.S.R. The much debated and 
ethnically mixed zone of Bessarabia has been re-absorbed into 
the U. S. S. R. ; it had been in Russian hands from 1812 until 
World War I. Further, and in part as the result of the refugee 
movements, Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary have become 
nationally homogeneous states. And the application to the satel- 
lite countries of the nationality policy of the U.S.S.R. , which, 
formally at least, allows cultural autonomy combined however 
with political conformity, has had positive results: witness the 
setting up of the Hungarian Autonomous Region in Romania in 
1952 in an area (of Transylvania) where the minority problem 
was formerly acute, and the federal structure of Yugoslavia. 

In the economic sphere, too, changes have been revolutionary. 
Agrarian reform 55 , involving the break-up of large estates and 
the distribution of land to the peasant workers, quickly followed 
the establishment of Communist governments, notably in Poland 
and Hungary where such changes were overdue. The Soviet system 
of collective farming, involving the provision of motor tractors, 



22 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

has been applied to the cultivated lands in Bulgaria and to much 
the greater part of those of Czechoslovakia and Albania, while 
Eastern Germany and Romania were more than half collectivized 
by the end of 1958 . Certainly the agricultural sector of the 
economy has faced difficulties and encountered setbacks, yet an 
upward trend in production of crops and numbers of livestock is 
evident. 7 In the industrial sector, despite initial and periodic 
shortages and other difficulties, nationalization of industry 
was carried out and a high rate of output is being maintained, 
above all in Eastern Germany and Czechoslovakia. This has 
involved redirection of trade — related above all to the U.S.S.R. 
and other neighboring members of the Communist bloc, as well 
as to other countries further off with which, for ideological 
or other political reasons, trade relations are encouraged: for 
example, China and the United Arab Republic. The Soviet Union' 
all important role in these economic developments is selfevident, 
and it should be noted that it can supply energy deficiencies, 
especially petroleum (to be piped from the Volga- Ural field 
to its needy satellites), cotton and capital. The setting up of 
the Council for Mutual Economic Aid (C. M. E. A. ) in 1949 was 
followed by the elaboration for the Soviet satellite countries 
of carefully considered production plans for the period 1959- 
1965. These plans envisage economic developments rationally 
and realistically related to the different potentialities of the 
several countries. Moreover, in so far as they succeed, the 
satellite countries will be tied the more firmly to each other 
and to the U. S. S. R. It may be recalled, also, that they are 
bound together for defence by the Warsaw Pact of 1955. 



IV 

The wheel of history turns and East- Central Europe, as for 
the most part it acquires relative stability and a degree of uni- 
formity within the Soviet empire, is no longer fittingly described 
as 4 a political shatter belt'. As a whole it is not quite the 
monolithic structure which Stalin appears to have intended it to 
be. At its southern extremity Greece and European Turkey 
look seawards to the western worldj Yugoslavia, having achieved 
national Communism, stands Janus-faced and politically uncom- 
mitted; Poland has managed to win the very minimum of room 



The Shatter Zone 23 

for national manoeuvre, while Finland has freedom of action, 
but only at home. The present degree of relative stability does 
not rest, as the western world would have wished, on liberal 
institutions and a democratic system of government, but these 
last two are proving in many parts of the world sickly plants 
where they have been introduced from their native habitats. 
How far the present degree of relative stability rests on the 
consent, acquiescence or constraint of the nations of the zone, 
a harder question than it is usually thought to be, will not be 
considered here. That it presents conditions for much needed 
material progress would seem self-evident. But in many respects 
the present political status of East-Central Europe recalls that 
of the century before 1914 when Great Powers held it firmly. 58 
The present position is simpler in that only one Great Power 
controls virtually the whole zone. And the Soviet Union is a 
multi-national state, at least formally federal in structure, and 
capable no doubt of further growth. 



Notes 

1. Lucien Febvre, A Geographical Introduction to History, 
New York, 1925, p. 308. Febvre s actual words are epigrammatic : 
"Rien n'importe le marge, c'est le coeur qui vaut. " 

2. Karl A. Sinnhuber, "Central Europe — Mitteleuropa — 
Europe Centrale: An Analysis of a Geographical Term", Institute 
of British Geographers , Transactions and Papers , 1954 Publica- 
tion No. 20, pp. 15-39. 

3. Idem, p. 20. 

4. On the origin and use of this concept, see H. C. Meyer, 
"Mitteleuropa in German Political Geography", Annals of the 
Association of American Geographers , Vol. XXXVI, 1946, 

pp. 178-1947" 

5. J. Partsch, Central Europe , New York, 1903, Fig. 1, 
and pp. 2-3. The full German version appeared as Mitteleuropa, 
Gotha, 1904. 

6. A. Hettner, Grundziige der Landerkunde , Vol. 1: Europa, 
Leipzig, 1907, p. 232. 

7. E. Banse, "Geographie" (with map), Petermanns Mit - 
teilungen , Vol. LVII, No. 1, 1912, p. 3. 



24 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

8. Yet Sinnhuber, op. cit . p. 31, insists that landscape 
character was his criterion of definition. 

9. R. E. Dickinson, The German Lebensraum , New York 
(Penguin Special), 1943, pp. The excellent Haack wall map 
of Zwischeneuropa , published during the inter-war period, 
covers the area of Danubian Central Europe, Vistula Central 
Europe and their margins. 

10. H. J. Mackinder, M. P., Democratic Ideals and Reality , 
London 1919, p. 196. 

11. J. F. Unstead, "The Belt of Political Change in Europe, " 
The Scottish Geographical Magazine , XXXDC, 1923, pp. 183-192. 

12. A. J. Toynbee, Nationality and the War , London and 
New York, 1915. 

13. M. I. Newbig in, Geographical Aspects of the Balkan 
Problems , New York, 1915. ~ ~ 

14. A. Meillet, Les Langues dans 1' Europe Nouvelle , 
Paris, 1918. 

15. L. Dominian, The Frontiers of Nationality and Language 
in Europe , New York, !9lT. "~ "~ ~ ~ — 

16. Isaiah Bowman, The New World, New York, 1921. 
Without calling attention specifically to East- Central Europe as 
defined by Mackinder and Unstead, Bowman mapped overlapping 
territorial claims there and showed the territorial reorganiza- 
tion effected in Central Europe and the Near East. He noted 

(p. 5) how disputes arose in Europe in 'mixed zones' — mixed in 
respect of race, religion and language — often referred to (he 
wrote) as 'twilight zones 1 or 'gray zones', 'phrases expressing 
their doubtful character'. 

17. H. J. Fleure, The Treaty Settlement of Europe , London, 

1921. ~~ ■■-— - — 

18. F. Naumann, Central Europe , London, 1917. 

19. Derwent Whittlesey, The Earth and the State , New York, 
1939. 

20. R. E. Dickinson, op. cit . 

21. G. W. Hoffman, Ed., Europe , New York, 1953. Ch. 8. 
is entitled East- Central Europe. 

22. L. W. Lyde, Peninsular Europe , New York, 1931, pp. 2-3. 

23. G. W. Hoffman (Ed.), op. cit., p. 509. 

24. R. Hartshorne, "The Politico-Geographic Pattern of the 
World", The Annals of the American Academy of Political and 
Social Science , Vol. ~C CXVIH, 1941, pp. 45-57T The phrase" 
derives from German propaganda writings of the inter-war period. 



The Shatter Zone 25 

25. R. E. Dickinson, op. cit . , p. 31. 

26. Richard Hartshorne, "The United States and the 'Shatter 
Zone' of Europe", in Compass of the World, Eds. H. W. Weigert 
and V. Stefansson, New York, T944, pp. 203-214. It may be 
agreed that 'zone' is preferable to 'belt'. 

27. R. J. Russell and F. B. Kniffen, Culture Worlds , New 
York, 1950. 

28. H. G. Wanklyn (Mrs. J. A. Steers), The Eastern 
Marchlands of Europe , London, 1941. 

29. W. G. East and A. E. Moodie, Eds. The Changing World , 
London, 1956, Ch. IV. This chapter deals with Poland, 
Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Yugoslavia, Romania, and Bulgaria. 

30. Op. cit. , p. 173. 

31. C. B. Fawcett, Frontiers , Oxford, 1921. 

32. For Mrs. Steers East-Central Europe is one of two 
'marchlands' or frontier regions lying within Europe. Her title 
might appear ambiguous, but she does not regard the eastern 
marchlands as bordering the Continent. Clearly the European 
territories of the U.S.S.R. , and notably Muscovy, formed the 
greater part of Europe's eastern marchlands during the historical 
period. 

33. H. J. Fleure, The Peoples of Europe , London, 1925, 
p. 70. 

34. W. F. Willcox, Ed., International Migrations , New York, 
1931, Vol. II, pp. 539-540. The Hebrew Pale, which imposed 
restrictions on residence and property owning by Jews, was 
created by a Regulation of the Russian Government in 1835. 

35. E. de Martonne, L'Europe centrale , Paris, Vol. 1, p. 3. 

36. E. C. Semple, Influences of Geographic Environment , 

on the Basis of Ratzel's System of Anthropogeography , New York, 

T9iTTp. 129: 

37. Cf. also H. J. Fleure' s recent paper, "The Loess in 
European Life", Geography , Vol. XLV, 1960, pp. 200-204. 

38. J. Cvijic, La Peninsule Balkanique , Paris, 1918, p. 108. 

39. Thus Mackinder wrote in 1918 (op. cit. , pp. 196, 200): 
"The condition of stability in the territorial rearrangement of 
East Europe is that division should be into three and not two 
State- systems. It is a vital necessity that there should be a 
tier of independent States between Germany and Russia. . . 
There must be a complete territorial buffer between Germany 
and Russia". Powers sought to insulate the U.S.S.R. by creating 
a so-called 'cordon sanitaire' in East-Central Europe. 



26 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

40. In part the relative success of the Christian countries 
in checking the penetration of the nomadic Mongols derives 
from the fact that their power weakened in the wooded lowlands 
of Russia and Poland where they could not effectively pursue 
their pastoral economy. The Ottoman Turks, too, were unable 
permanently to establish themselves beyond the Alfold steppe 
of eastern Hungary, although they controlled this from 1522 
until 1699. 

41. Cf. H. J. Mackinder's brief characterization of some 
of these nations in "Some Geographical Aspects of International 
Reconstruction", The Scottish Geographical Magazine , XXXIII, 
1917, pp. 1-11. 

42. Cf. Norman J. G. Pounds, "Land Use on the Hungarian 
Plain, " in this volume. 

43. This was Jurij Krizanic, the first Pan-Slavist. See 
H. Munro Chadwick, The Nationalities of Europe and the 
Growth of National Ideologies , Cambridge"] 1945, pp. 114-115. 

44. H. Munro Chadwick, op. cit . , p. 3 makes the helpful 
distinction between patriotism and nationalism which coalesce 
yet spring from different origins, "the former. . .from the 
love of home and the desire to preserve and protect it, while 
the latter is inspired by opposition or aversion to persons and 
things which are strange or unintelligible". 

45. H. J. Mackinder, op. cit . , p. 201. It would appear 
from the context that his comment referred to East- Central 
Europe or at least to its Balkan component, then considered 
part of the Near East. 

46. On this, see H. R. "Wilkinson, Maps and Politics : a 
Review of the Ethnographic Cartography of Macedonia , 
Liverpool, 195T. 

47. Cf. H. Seton- Watson, The East European Revolution , 
London, 1956, p. 17. For Dr. Seton- Watson East Europe' 
is the 'East-Central Europe 1 discussed here. 

48. On the points raised in this paragraph, see Ladis K. D. 
Kristof, "The Nature of Frontiers and Boundaries", Annals of 
the American Association of Geographers , Vol. 49, 1959, pp. 
281-282. 

49. R. Hartshorne, op. cit., p. 213. 

50. H. J. Mackinder, "Some Geographical Aspects of Inter- 
national Reconstruction", The Scottish Geographical Magazine, 
XXXIII, 1917, p. 11. Mackinder's view of the Vienna settlement 
as the work of Metternich and Talleyrand would no longer be 
acceptable. 



The Shatter Zone 27 



51. R. R. Betts, Central and South- East Europe 1945 - 1948 , 
London, p. 196. Romanians and Bulgarians, however, as Orthodox 
Christians had turned in the nineteenth century, not without suc- 
cess, to the tsar as their protector against the Turks. 

1 

52. This was because Leningrad was thus left vulnerable to 

attack from enemy forces based on Finland, as indeed happened 
when the Germans occupied Finland during World War II. 
Leningrad (ca. 1939) accounted for about one- eighth of the 
Soviet industrial potential. 

53. If, as might appear not improbable in September I960, 
Finland is permitted to join the Outer Seven, its political status 
would become even more anomalous. Moscow's agreement to 
this move would, it is clear, be conditional on the U.S.S.R. 
retaining its 'most favoured nation 1 position in Soviet- Finnish 
trade. 

54. Under a military agreement of 10 November 1956 Polish 
consent is required for Russian troop movements in Poland, and 
Russian troops are subject to Polish Courts. The practice of 
marching Russian troops across Poland began with Peter the 
Great. 

55. See A. E. Moodie, "Agrarian Changes in Eastern 
Europe", The Yearbook of World Affairs , 1954 , London, 1954. 

56. Economic Survey of Europe in 1958 , United Nations, 
Geneva, 1959, Ch. I, p. 2l5~. 

57. Economic Survey of Europe in 1957 , United Nations, 
Geneva, 1958, Ch. I. Tne~~grain harvests in the satellite countries 
in 1957 (a good year) were up by 20 per cent above the 1951-1955 
average; sugar production has increased substantially, but 
livestock numbers increased slightly if at all. 

58. Compare the U. S. S. R. s suppression of the Hungarian 
revolt in 1956 with that of an earlier national revolt by the tsar 
in 1849. 



DEMOGRAPHIC PROBLEMS OF THE POLISH WESTERN 
AND NORTHERN TERRITORIES 

By Leszek Kosinski 

Geographical Institute, 

Polish Academy of Sciences, "Warsaw 



The recovery by Poland of the Western and Northern Ter- 
ritories is a basic fact in the economic and demographic de- 
velopment of the country. Most of these territories belonged 
to Poland at the beginning of the 11th century, during the period 
when the Polish state was being created, but afterwards were 
gradually lost as a result of the steady German expansion. At 
present, the Polish boundaries correspond to those of the 11th 
century. 

In the Polish state as reconstituted after 1918 the eastern 
regions, ethnically non-Polish, were included, and in 1931 
national minorities made up 31. 1 per cent of the total population. 
On the other hand, regions populated by Poles, the Opole region 
of Silesia for example, remained outside its boundaries. Only 
after the boundary changes which followed the Second World War 
were the conditions for a uninational state created. The terri- 
torial changes were accompanied by a mass transfer of the 
population which made it the largest of all the many national 
migrations in Central-Eastern Europe in the present century. 

This movement included the resettlement of the Western 
and Northern Territories as well as the demographic changes 
which have since taken place. The area is made up of territories 
which belonged to Germany in 1939 and were reunited with 
Poland in 1945. The former Free City of Danzig, which legally 
was joined to the Polish State before the war by a customs union, 
does not strictly belong to the Regained Territories. It is con- 
sidered here, nevertheless, because the population changes made 
this area similar to the rest of the Western and Northern Terri- 
tories. These territories, with an area of approximately 40,000 

28 



Polish Western Territories 29 

square miles or 33 per cent of the country's area, do not form 
a separate administrative unit. They belong to 10 different 
voivodships of which only 5 lie wholly within the recovered ter- 
ritories. Administrative changes which ensued, especially in 
1954 and 1956, make a direct comparison of the data very dif- 
ficult. 

Conditions of Settlement : On the eve of World War II 
this area had 8,900,000 inhabitants. The number of Poles was 
estimated at about 1,260,000. 1 During the war the number of 
people in the area increased considerably, owing to the arrival 
here of the prisoners of war, compulsory workers from different 
countries and after 1941 also Germans, evacuated from areas 
bombed by the Allies. The number of permanent and temporary 
inhabitants in 1945 was about 10,500,000. 

This number has dropped owing to hostilities and evacuation 
of German population. On the other hand, as early as 1945, the 
Polish population began to arrive. There are at present in the 
Northern and Western Territories about 2,400,000 more people 
than in 1946. The varying intensity of settlement in various parts 
are related to (1) the structure of population according to origin, 
(2) the extent of war destruction, and (3) the economic character 
of the area. 

The population capacity of the Western and Northern Terri- 
tories, restricted by war destruction, could be estimated in 1946 
at about 5,400,000 of which about 2,000,000 was in the cities. 
The average destruction of cities was 54 per cent; in Wroclaw 
it was 74 per cent; in Gdansk, 50 per cent; in Szczecin, 40 per 
cent. The capacity of the rural areas was about 3,400,000, and 
the average destruction, about 27.5 per cent. The actual popula- 
tion figures, 1,920,000 in the cities and 3,100,000 in the rural 
areas, were approximately those for which there was a supply of 
housing. It should be noted that 2,000,000 Germans were in the 
Western and Northern Territories in 1946. As a result of evacua- 
tion organized by Nazi authorities and flight, an especially 
large part of the German population was concentrated in the 
southern part of Lower Silesia where in some areas the number 
of the population was higher than before the war. According to 
the Potsdam Agreements between the Allies, the Germans were 
in 1946-1948 almost totally moved to the area of the former Soviet 
and British occupation zones. The actual increase in Polish 




— <••— ■«••■ State boundary 



Territories (including f. RC. or Gdansk) 
Boundaries of voivodeships 

» of poviats 

Poviats createa after 1955 



W 



)PZESZ6W / 



100 km 



'V 



Figure 7: Administrative Divisions of the Western and 
Northern Territories of Poland. 



Table 1 

Population of the Northern and Western Territories 
1939 - 1958 



1939 



1946 



1950 



1958 



Total in thousands 8 


855 


5,022 


5,936 


7,411 


Index 


100 


57 


67 


84 


Index 




100 


118 


148 


Biatystok Voivodship (part) 










in thousands 


126 


37 


71 


102 


Index 


100 


29 


56 


81 


Index 




100 


193 


279 


Gdansk Voivodship (part) 










in thousands 


694 


327 


501 


666 


Index 


100 


51 


72 


96 


Index 




100 


153 


203 


Katowice Voivodship (part) 










in thousands 


556 


469 


589 


621 


Index 


100 


84 


106 


112 


Index 




100 


125 


132 


Koszalin Voivodship in thousands 


810 


585 


518 


675 


Index 


100 


72 


64 


83 


Index 




100 


89 


115 


Olsztyn Voivodship (part) 










in thousands 


966 


352 


610 


772 


Index 


100 


36 


63 


80 


Index 




100 


173 


219 


Opole Voivodship in thousands 1 


,068 


792 


809 


903 


Index 


100 


74 


76 


85 


Index 




100 


102 


114 


Poznan Voivodship (part) 










in thousands 


86 


37 


49 


66 


Index 


100 


43 


56 


77 


Index 




100 


134 


179 



Table 1 (continued) 

1939 1946 1950 1958 



Szczecin Voivodship 
in thousands 

Index 

Index 

Wroclaw Voivodship 
in thousands 

Index 

Index 

Zielona Gora Voivodship 
in thousands 

Index 

Index 



Sources: Statistisches Jahrbuch fur das Deutsche Reich, 1941-1942; 
Statistisches Jahrbuch fur die Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 
1956; 

Statistical Yearbook of Poland 1947, 1959; 
National Census of Poland, 1950 



1,015 


307 


529 


724 


100 


30 


52 


71 




100 


172 


235 


2,646 


1,769 


1,699 


2, 130 


100 


67 


66 


80 




100 


96 


120 


919 


347 


561 


752 


100 


38 


61 


82 




100 


162 


217 



Polish Western Territories 33 

population in 1946-1950 was, therefore, higher than that indicated 
by the indices in Table 1. The total population is at present 
lower than in 1939; the index, as compared with 1939, is 84 per 
cent. In connection with the rapid tempo of the population in- 
crease, it is anticipated that the pre-war density will be sur- 
passed between 1965-1967. 

The decline in the percentage of the urban population between 
1939 and 1946 reflects the lesser destruction in the countryside. 
The evacuation of the German population in the following years 
caused a drop in the population of the Wroclaw and Koszalin 
voivodships. However, after 1950, we note a significant increase 
in the number of inhabitants everywhere and especially a rise 
in the share of urban population. 

The percentage of the urban population is everywhere higher 
than pre-war. By 1958 the number of towns with a population 
greater than that of 1939 surpassed 70. The largest include: 

1939 1946 1958 

Gdansk 250,000 118,000 272,000 

Zabrze 126,000 104,000 181,000 

Bytom 101,000 93,000 181,000 

Gliwice 117,000 96,000 125,000 

Olsztyn 50,000 29,000 63,000 

This growth in population was related only locally to the changes 
in the administrative boundaries. Population changes were 
connected with the relatively rapid reconstruction of industry, 
whose production now surpasses that of 1939, despite the great 
war destruction. The primary importance of industrial develop- 
ment was moreover maintained not only in the Western and 
Northern Territories but throughout Poland. Herein the specific 
character of the new social system was expressed. Three periods 
stand out in analyzing the demographic development of the Western 
and Northern Territories. 

Period of Settlement 1945-1948 : The dominating feature of 
the first period was the powerful migration movements. It began 
with the forced evacuation and the flight of the German population 
as the war front came closer. A small part of this population 
returned later to their homes, but the total number of inhabitants 
was then much lower than at the end of 1944. The exodus of 




■i— i-i— !• State boundary 

— ■— • Boundaries of Western and Northern Territories 

» of voivodeships 



Figure 8: The Population of the Western and Northern 
Territories of Poland, 1939-1958. 







t— - H 1 1 i State boundary V\ 

1 ■■— — Boundaries of Western and W .r^'^V 

Northern Territories l*-4 Y.k *h*v f^^X^ 

Boundaries of voivodcships 3 jr ^** \ 



100% 
50% 



^ 



Hi 



Percentage of urban population 



/ear 1939,46,50,58 

100 OOO of urban population in 1958 



Figure 9: Urban Population of the Western and Northern 
Territories of Poland, 1939-1958. 



36 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 





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I 

Polish "Western Territories 37 

Germans lasted on a rather small scale throughout 1945 3 and 
led to a drop in the total number of Germans in all Poland to 
2,300,000 in February 1946. The planned transfer undertaken 
subsequently lasted to 1948 and embraced about 2,200,000 people. 
As a result the number of Germans remaining after 1948 in the 
Western and Northern Territories was estimated at 50,000 - 
100,000, and the Polish indigenous population who were verified 
numbered about 1,000,000. 

The influx of Polish population from the territories ceded 
to the Soviet Union (repatriates) and from the over crowded 
Central Poland (resetters') began in 1945. The third, and 
smallest group were re- emigrants returning, often after dozens 
of years abroad, mainly from France, Germany and Yugoslavia. 
Many Poles returning from concentration camps in Germany also 
stayed in the Western Territories as many of them had neither 
homes nor families. 4 According to estimates, there were 
3,680,000 new arrivals in the Western and Northern Territories 
at the beginning of 1947 of which 1,700,000 were repatriates, 
during 1947, an additional 800,000 arrived. The mass migrations 
of the population ended in the Western and Northern Territories 
in 1948. The process of settlement, which in its later phases 
had proceeded in more planned manner, was in the main completed. 
At the beginning of 1948 the Northern and Western Territories 
were inhabited by about 5,500,000 people. This had been achieved 
in spite of heavy war losses in Poland as a whole, estimated at 
about 6,000,000 people, or over 20 per cent of pre-war Polish and 
Jewish population of the country. 

The population status may be evaluated on the basis of the 
1950 census which also gives information on the population 
structure shortly after completing the process of settling the 
Western and Northern Territories. It supplies also detailed data 
on the territorial origin of the population. 

The major group of residents were the resettlers from the 
central provinces of Poland, who made up about one-half and 
dominated almost all the voivodships except those in Silesia 
(Opole and Katowice), where the leading group was the indigenous 
population. On the average, the indigenous population made up 
the smallest section, about one-fifth of the residents of the 
Western and Northern Territories. Repatriates made up about 
one-third and were most numerous in the Zielona Gora voivodship. 



if' 4 




i 




Figure 1Q: Native Population of the Western and Northern 
Territories of Poland in 1950, as percentage of total population. 






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Figure 11: Re-emigrants and Repatriates in the Western 
and Northern Territories of Poland in 1950. 



Polish Western Territories 41 



The indigenous population was most prominent in two re- 
gions — in Upper Silesia, in some counties of which this group 
surpassed 75 per cent of the total population, and in the southern 
part of former East Prussia. In addition, near the former 
borders, three counties with long Polish cultural traditions stood 
out. The Germans, however, remained on Lower Silesia. 

Seventy-five per cent of the repatriates from the Soviet 
Union and seventy- three per cent of the re- emigrants were 
concentrated in the Western and Northern Territories. The 
proportion of repatriates was the highest in the voivodships of 
Zielona Gora, Wroclaw, and the western parts of the Opole 
voivodship, and in some counties made up over 60 per cent of 
the new arrivals. The proportion of re- emigrants was more 
marked only in a few Lower Silesian counties. 

Resettlers from various voivodships drifted in many direc- 
tions. One can speak here of two types of migrations. The first 
type consisted of neighboring migrations and the second of very 
distant ones. As has been mentioned, the resettlement of the 
Polish population was planned especially in the final period. 

A good example of neighboring settlement is the immigration 
from Bialystok voivodship which supplied up to 80 per cent of the 
new arrivals into the old border counties. The proportion of the 
resettlers from Warsaw voivodship was also very high in the 
neighboring counties, but decreased in more distant ones. The 
situation was similar with regard to the resettlement from the 
other adjacent voivodships: Gdansk, in part, Bydgoszcz, Poznan 
and Katowice, in part. The intensity of resettlement in neighbor- 
ing counties attests to the high demographic pressures that existed 
before the war and were now relieved. The emigration included 
in the first place, the agricultural population which did not find 
room in the overpopulated countryside of extremely small farms. 
The resulting improvement in the situation in the countryside 
clearly appeared in the southern and eastern voivodships which 
had long been a classical example of a reservoir of surplus 
agricultural population. 

Resettlers from the voivodships of Lodz, Kielce, Cracow, 
Rzesz6w and Lublin did not concentrate together as did the re- 
settlers from the previously- named voivodships. Emigrating to 
greater distances, they were dispersed and did not become such 
a significant proportion of the new arrivals. They formed at 
most 40 per cent. 



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10-19 20-39 40-59 above 60 

| j ., Katowice 

>■ Olsztyn and Warsaw 
Poznarf 



i/~ v '~V4 



100 km 



Figure 12: Re- settlers from selected neighboring voivode- 
ships. 




Percentage of 
new arrivals 

1Q-19 2Q-39 - 

fTTTTTi annni ^ cra CO w 

.. Kielce 
» Rzeszdw 



& 

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100 km 



Figure 13: Re- settlers from selected distant voivodeships. 






Polish Western Territories 45 

A consequence of the resettlement trends is the various 
degree of mixture of the new arrivals — less in the former 
border areas, greater on the heart of the "Western Territories, 
especially in Pomerania. The greater mixture was a positive 
factor, on the one hand, causing an exchange of experiences 
and the inception of inter- group competition; on the other hand, 
it hindered social integration especially during the first period. 

The differences in the origin of the population were also 
expressed in differences in their age and sex structure: 

The areas with a notable share of indigenous population showed 
a particularly significant disturbance in the sex and age structure, 
resulting from (1) war casualties among the men conscripted into 
the German army, (2) continued residence abroad of some of the 
population, forcibly evacuated — especially in Germany, (3) the 
different birthrates during and after the war. The repatriates 
arrived with their entire families, hence the age and sex structure 
was more balanced, whereas in the territorial structure of the 
areas settled from Central Poland, the proportion of more youth- 
ful age groups is extremely high. 

Period of High Natural Increase 1949-1955 : Characteristic 
of this period was the fact that the natural increase came to the 
fore as the major factor in population growth of the areas under 
discussion. The specific age and sex structure of the population 
resulted in the first place in changing the dynamics of the vital 
statistics. The Western and Northern Territories and within 
them bordering voivodships with a high proportion of new arrivals 
stood out for their high natural increase. The voivodship of 
Szczecin should be especially mentioned, where a record index 
of births and natural increase was noted in 1950. 

Despite the tendency for the birth rate to decline, the Western 
and Northern Territories stand out in their population increase as 
compared with the remaining parts of Poland. The case of Opole 
voivodship should especially be mentioned. In the earlier years 
the indices for this voivodship were the lowest. However, Opole 
voivodship was the only one that showed a rising trend and the 
marriage index here in 1958 was the highest in Poland. This 
attests to an approaching wave of higher increase. 

A limit to a further growth of migration of the population in the 
Western and Northern Territories occurred between 1950-1957. 
This does not mean that the migratory movement stopped completely, 




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inhabitants. 



50 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

but that the influx and exodus were approximately equal. More- 
over, instead of interregional migration, a normal movement 
from the countryside to the cities took place. This was bound 
up with the changes in the social structure of agriculture and 
the emphasis placed on extending industry. Certain unfavorable 
phenomena appeared trans itionally, connected with the under- 
estimation of the specific character of these territories in 
economic and population policies. Nevertheless, a further intensive 
population increase occurred as a consequence, in the first 
place, of the marked natural increase. 

The total population growth between 1951-1957 was 1,245,000 
(20. 2 per cent) of which the natural increase accounted for 
1,233,000 (20.0 per cent). The highest migratory increase ap- 
peared during this period in the voivodship of Bialystok (14 per 
cent), Szczecin (7 per cent), and Zielona Gora (6 per cent). 

Third Period — After 1956 ; This period does not differ from 
the second as markedly as the second does from the first. The 
specific features were (1) a heightened settlement activity which 
included about 80,000 people 8 in 1957-1959; (2) the granting of 
permission to migrate to people whose families were abroad 
(the so-called Link Campaign); (3) the admission of repatriates, 
who were returning from the Soviet Union under a new agreement and 
were directed mainly to the Western and Northern Territories. 

As a result of the external migratory movements to both the 
Federal and Democratic German Republics between 1956 and 
1959, 264,000 people, of whom 250,00 were from the Western 
and Northern Territories, left Poland. As a result, almost all 
the remaining Germans migrated and also that part of the Polish 
population whose families lived abroad. The emigration was 
also partly of an economic character as was proved by an in- 
vestigation of the motives for leaving. 9 The influx of repatriates 
did not completely compensate for this exodus. In 1956, the 
unfavourable balance stood at -5,000 persons (-0.1 per cent), 
and in 1957, at -54,600 persons (-0.7 per cent). This balance 
was obviously insignificant to the total population, and the steady 
influx of the population from the heart of the country more than 
made up for the decrease of the population through emigration. 
The balance of migration for the whole period 1951 to 1957 was 
favorable. 



\ 
s 

Polish Western Territories 51 

The natural increase continued at a high level. As a result 
of this, a new community structure arose in which side by side 
with the old indigenous population, there appeared a new group 
of people born after the war in the Western and Northern Ter- 
ritories. Their number is estimated at about 2,800,000 persons 10 , 
or 36 per cent of the total population. Today the division of the 
population into indigenous and new arrivals is beginning to lose 
its meaning. Nevertheless from the demographic point of view 
the Northern and Western territories still form a region within 
Poland. 

It should be emphasized that the number of children born in 

) 
this area since the end of the war is greater thant the number of 

Germans evacuated by Polish authorities from the total area of 

Poland in the period 1946-1948 (2,213,626 persons). 

A separate question which cannot be dealt with here is the 

process of social adaptation and integration of the new community 

created in the regained territories. Many factors enter into this 

process and, as a result, the degree of social consolidation is 

very varied. It should be emphasized that the relationships 

between members of the younger generation play an important 

role in this regard. Thus the high proportion of the young people 

is a favorable factor also from the sociological point of view. 



Notes 

1. Official German statistics gave the number of Poles, i. e. 
those who spoke Polish or its dialects, in the Western and Northern 
Territories (excluding the Free City of Danzig) as 1,020,500 in 
1910; 663,000 in 1925; 438,000 in 1933, and 100,000-130,000 in 
1939 (quoted from J. Ziolkowski — Demographic and Social Changes 
in the Polish Recovered Territories, The Review of the Polish 
Academy of Sciences, 3, 1958, No. 3-4). However, this data is 
not supported by the separate statistics prepared for German 
internal official use. For example, the official figure quoted for 
Upper and Lower Silesia in 1933 was 99,000 Poles whereas con- 
fidential German estimates give a figure of 550,000 (H. Rogmann — 
Per Sprachgebrauch bei den Gottesdiensten in Oberschlesien . 
Ergebnisse einer von der Landesgruppe des Bundes DeutscTTer 
Osten durchgefuhrten statistischen Erhebung~ Breslau 1935. 
This work, found after the war, was published in 1957 by the 
Western Press Agency. ) Polish sources estimated the number 
of Poles at that time in Opole Silesia at 800,000 (S. Waszak — 



52 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

The Number of Germans in Poland 1931-1959. Przegl§.d 
Zachodni Vol. XV, 1959, No. 6, p. 323). The total number 
of Poles in the Western and Northern Territories in 1939 was 
estimated at 1,260,000 of which 60,000 were in the former Free 
City of Gdansk. 

2. The total number of people who left their residence 
before the end of the war was estimated by German sources at 
5,000,000 ( Bundesrepublik Deutschland , Bunde s minis te rium 
fur Vertriebene , Dokumentation der Vertreibung der Deutschen 
aus Ostmitteleuropa ,Bonn 1953, Bd. I; after E. Wiskemann, 
Germany's Eastern Neighbours , Oxford, 1956. According to 
S. Waszak these figures can be raised to about 7,000,000. 

3. According to German sources (G. Rhode, editor, Die 
Ostgebiete des Deutschen Reiches , Wiirzburg, 1957) 400,000 
Germans were transferred in 1945. 

4. The best example of this are the former inhabitants of 
Warsaw, who were scattered throughout the Western Territories, 
owing to the fate of Poland's capital. After the crushing of the 
uprising in 1944, the entire population was expelled from the 
city. The number of people living in the main part of the capital, 
the left bank sector which was involved in the Uprising, and was 
till January 1945 in the hands of the Nazis, numbered 1,048,000 

in 1939. At the beginning of 1945 only 22,000 lived in the outlying 
districts, a large part of the rest having been taken to concentration 
camps inside Germany. Destruction continued in the city, and 
the general degree of destruction was estimated at 81 per cent 
in 1945 and in the city center at 95 per cent. 

5. According to M. Olechnowicz (The Campaign of Populat- 
ing the Western Territories, Przegl§.d Zachodni No. 3, 1947) 
this number was composed of 1,240,000 who had been repatriated 
in an organized manner; 190,000 former prisoners and slave 
laboreres returning from Germany and other occupied countries, 
who had originated in territories beyond the River Bug; 70,000 
demobilized soldiers, and 200,000 refugees who fled from beyond 
the Bug before official repatriation had begun, owing to the ter- 
roristic activities of nationalistic Ukrainian Gangs. 

6. The origin was established according to the place of re- 
sidence on August 31, 1939. Children born later are counted 
together with their mothers. The group of the indigenous popula- 
tion includes all who resided in the Western and Northern Ter- 
ritories before the outbreak of war. 

7. Overpopulation in pre-war Poland was a very serious 
problem connected with the high natural increase which found no 
room in the countryside and no outlet in industry. The southern 
part of the country was especially overpopulated. 



Polish Western Territories 53 

8. The settlement of agricultural families and the selling 
of land to private owners from the State Land Reserves is bound 
up with the new agricultural policy implemented since 1957. 
About 20,000 hectares of land were sold between March 1958 
and September 1959 in the Western and Northern Territories. 

9. F. Miedzinski, Repatriation to the Federal German 
Republic as a part of the Link Campaign, Przeglad Zachodni , 
14, 1958, No. 2, pp. 311-329. 

10. This estimate is based on the number of children born 
after 1945 and living in these territories in 1950 and on the 
number born after 1950 independent of their present place of 
residence. After allowing for natural losses, the number of 
post-war indigenous population was estimated at about 2,600,000 
at the end of 1958. Within the year 1959 the population growth, 
due to the natural increase, was about 200,000. 



LAND USE ON THE HUNGARIAN PLAIN 

By Norman J. G. Pounds 
University Professor of Geography at Indiana University 



The traditional view of the vegetation of the plain of Hungary 
is that it is natural steppe. This opinion, was clearly expressed 
a century ago by the Austrian botanist, Anton Kerner: "Man, " 
he wrote, "has only been able to get trees to survive in the soil 
of the steppe where a nearby river winds slowly along, or where 
the lowland is for a distance covered with fens, or where these 
water-reservoirs furnish adequate moisture to the atmosphere. 
But where such sources of water are lacking, man seeks in vain 
to combat the climate and to afforest the steppe. The intrinsic 
characteristic of the steppe is its primitive treelessness. . . . nl 
A well-known climatologist declared that "steppe conditions occur 
in the Hungarian basin some 500 miles west of the general boundary 
of the steppe. " 2 

The majority of the more widely used atlases agree with this 
opinion in showing the greater part of the Hungarian Plain as 
"Steppe Grassland" or "Natural Grassland" or "Tall Grassland". 
Mackinder gave to this view the sanction of his authority, describ- 
ing the plain of Hungary as "a detached area of steppes", into 
which a part of that "cloud of ruthless and idealess horseman 
sweeping over the unimpeded plain" 3 intruded and settled. We 
are invited to believe that the Magyars came because they found 
the Hungarian "steppe" a kind of home from home. This is not 
the place to discuss whether the early Magyars were in fact horse- 
men from the Steppe. It must suffice to say here that the balance 
of evidence is that the Magyars were not, and that the claim to 
the contrary springs from a confusion of the Finno-Ugric Magyar 
with the Turkic Kuman. 4 

The Geographical Setting : If the Magyars were not in search 
of steppeland over which to graze their legendary flocks and herds, 

54 



The Hungarian Plain 55 

what in fact did they find on their entry into the Pannonian Basin? 
The plain, into which they intruded, is geologically a basin, 
ringed by mountains, and filled in with Tertiary and later deposits. 
Among the latter are sand and gravel washed out from the moun- 
tains, re-sorted by the rivers and deposited in terraces near 
their banks. Over it were spread during the Quaternary period 
irregular deposits of loess, and close to the rivers, more recent 
deposits of alluvium. The superficial deposits are mostly loose, 
unconsolidated and liable to blow with the winds. The drainage 
of the plain is toward its lowest outlet, the gorges through which 
the Danube flows on the borders of Yugoslavia and Romania. The 
downward cutting of the river has been held up by this barrier, 
as if by a huge dam. The result has been that the Danube and 
its tributaries above the gorges have been, as it were ponded 
back. Along the banks of the river were formed large areas of 
flat, swampy land, impassable in winter but liable to dry out in 
summer, leaving patches of alkali which once provided the raw 
material of the soap industry of Debrecen. 5 

The plain is divided into two very unequal parts, the Great 
and Little Alfold, separated by a belt of higher and more undulat- 
ing country. The Danube traverses both, and crosses the hills 
which separate them between Esztergom and Budapest (Fig. 19) 
The term Great (Nagy) Alfold is usually reserved for the greater 
area of plain which stretches eastward from the Danube to the 
foothills of the Slovakian and Romanian mountains. South of 
Budapest, however, the great plain extends west of the Danube 
into that part of Hungary which is known in history as Transdanubia, 
before it gives place to the rolling country that runs up to the 
Bakony Forest. The Great Alfold is itself crossed from north 
to south by the Tisza, a tributary of the Danube which has played 
an important role historically because its broad, marshy valley 
has formed a barrier to human movement. 

The climate of the Hungarian Plain is, by the standards of 
western and central Europe, fairly dry. Budapest has an average 
rainfall of 25. 9 inches a year; Debrecen, in the Hortobagy, has 
24. 5, and Szeged, 21. 5. Only along the Tisza valley does the 
rainfall drop below 20 inches, and in parts of Transdanubia it 
is over 30 inches a year. Rainfall is heaviest in summer. In 
all the places cited almost half the total rainfall comes in the 
months from May to August. Summer are hot. July averages 
are 70 degrees or higher except in the hills of western Hungary, 







iflll :; - ; - 



The Hungarian Plain 57 

and the relative humidity is low, thus encouraging evaporation. 
For three or four months of winter, the monthly averages are 
below freezing; ice forms on the rivers, sometimes obstructing 
their flow, and snow lies over the plain. 

On the early appearance of this land, there is an almost 
complete lack of early historical records of the kind that might 
shed light on the nature of the primitive landscape. This is in 
part to be attributed to the devastation wrought by the Tartars 
in 1241 when they destroyed every settlement in their path; in 
part to the fact that the peoples in question left, in any case, 
few written records. 

The Vegetation, Historically considered : In the late 12th 
century the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa crossed the plain 
on his way to Constantinople and Jerusalem on the Third Crusade. 
His biographer, Otto of Freising, thus described the plain: 
". . .this province ... is shut in on all sides by forests and 
mountains. ... In the interior there is a very broad plain seamed 
by rivers and streams. It has many forests filled with all sorts 
of wild animals and is known to be delightful because of the natural 
charm of the landscape and rich in its arable fields. It seems 
like the paradise of God or the fair land of Egypt. . . . 

At the beginning of the 17th century, the Scotsman, William 
Lithgow, crossed Hungary. The Little Alfold he described as 
"the Champaine Country". 7 His route beyond Buda is not clear, 
though he seems to have crossed the plain to Wallachia, then 
turned north to Tokaj and then eastward again into Transylvania. 
He must thus have crossed the puszta of the central plain and 
probably also the Hortobagy of the northeast. "The soyle of 
Hungary", he wrote, "aboundeth infinitly in all things the earth 
can produce for the well of man; and produceth admirable good 
Wines, the best whereof grow neare and about the Towne of 
Sirmia. . ,yea, and aboundeth in all kind of bestiall, that it is 
thought this Kingdom may furnish all Europe with Beefe and 
Mutton, " and again "as for the Hungar(ian) soyle, . . .and for 
the goodnes of it, it may be tearmed the girnell of Ceres, the 
Garden of Bachus, the Pastorage of Pan, and the richest beauty 
of Silvan: for I found the Wheat here growing higher than my 
head, the Vines overlooking the trees, the Grasse jusling with 
my knees, and the highsprung Woods threat the clouds. . . " 
Toward the east he "found the country so covered with Woods, 



58 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

and them full of Murtherers. . . " that he left the plains and 
betook himself to the hills. 8 

This view of the plains as moist, well-wooded and, at least 
potentially, very productive is supported by such sources as are 
available from the Middle Ages. The Hungarian chronicles refer 
frequently to forests, many of them in such counties as Csongrad 
and Bekes which are now devoid of woodland. 9 Place-names 
embodying woodland elements are not uncommon, and names 
in "Nyir", meaning birch- tree, occur in what was later the 
treeless region of the Hortobagy. The slight evidence available 
from the analysis of ancient pollen confirms that the plain was 
once predominantly wooded. 

When, then, were the first breaks made in its forest cover? 
The 5th. century Roman writer Priscus Rhetor described the 
camp of Attila, leader of the Huns, as lying in open country, and 
King Alfred, in his translation and extension of the History of 
Orosius referred to this area as "desert" and "Waste". 1 Even 
if we accept, with C. A. Macartney, the view that "the bulk of 
the Magyar nation, the true Finno-Ugrians, (were) comparatively. . . 
pacific and sedentary agriculturalists, " n who made their homes 
in the undulating country of the true Pannonia, west of the Danube, 
we must admit that they were accompanied and followed by pastoral, 
nomadic Turkic peoples, the Kavars and Kumans. The raids 
into central Europe were probably made by the Kuman tribes, 
which were decimated in the process, while the Magyars them- 
selves settled and cultivated the rolling Transdanubian country. 1 
The Kuman element in the population must have found some terri- 
torial base on which to practice its traditional mode of life, and 
the probability is that they occupied and perhaps cleared lightly 
wooded, sandy areas in what later came to be called Great Cumania, 
part of the area between the Danube and the Tisza. 

Nicolaus Olahus (Olah), in a 16th century treatise of Hungary, 13 
described Cumania as a region lacking in water and wood, where 
great numbers of cattle and horses were to be found and their 
droppings were used as fuel. Conditions were described as driest 
to the east of the Tisza, but, nevertheless, in the grasslands of 
the Bacs region (Bachiensis regio ) wheat and other grains were 
grown. 

Evidently there were parts of the plain less lush and opulent 
than those visited by Lithgow and Otto of Freising. But they seem 



The Hungarian Plain 59 

to have been of limited extent, and at this date neglect and 
abandonment do not seem yet to have reduced them to that wast 
of blown sand which travellers in the 18th century were to 
describe. 

The question thus arises how this ** Paradise of God" changed 
into the steppe described by later travellers. In the winter of 
1716-1717, Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, an intelligent and ex- 
tremely adventurous English woman, crossed Hungary on her 
way to Constantinople, where her husband was serving as 
British ambassador to the Porte. She described her journey 
from Vienna to Buda as lying "through the finest plains in the 
world, as even as if they were paved, and extremely fruitful; 
but for the most part desert and uncultivated, laid waste by the 
long war between the Turk and emperor, and the more cruel 
civil war. . . . Indeed, nothing can be more melancholy than 
travelling through Hungary, reflecting on the former flourishing 
state of that Kingdom, and seeing such a noble spot of earth 
almost uninhabited. " 14 Yet she does not describe her route here 
in the Little Alfold or, beyond Budapest in the Great Alfold, as 
lying across grassland. Indeed, she says the opposite. Of her 
journey southward from Buda to Osijek (Esseg) she wrote: "This 
part of the country is very much overgrown with wood, and so 
little frequented, 'tis incredible what vast numbers of wild- fowl 
we saw. . . . " 15 And as she approached Osijek, "the woods. . . 
(were) scarcely passable and very dangerous, from the vast 
quantity of wolves that hoard in them. " She represented the 
land as wasted and abandoned, but always as capable of being 
restored to its former flourishing condition. 

Lady Mary's route had lain to the west of the Danubia, in 
that part of Hungary that is traditionally called Transdanubia. 
But more than half a century later, in 1770, Baron Born, trav- 
elled from Buda to Szeged — "three days travelling over barren 
heaths. . . . Beyond Of en (Buda) begins the famous Ketskemite 
(sic) heath. It is all over covered with grit sand mixed with 
broken sea shells. ... I travelled often six hours and longer 
without meeting with any tree or house, except the stage houses". 
But beyond the Tisza "the soil appeared richer and more enter- 
taining, here are plantations of trees, corn-fields, and plenty 
of colonies, whose establishment costs to our imperial queen 
(i.e. Maria Theresa) immense sums annually." 17 A few years later 



60 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

still,a certain Robert Townson described his journey across the 
plain almost to the present Romanian border. From Vienna to 
Buda he followed approximately Lady Mary Wortley Montagu's 
route, but found the landscape much changed. The country, he 
wrote, "is very well cultivated: it is chiefly corn land, and 
some pasture. " 18 Or, again, "flat, with corn and pasture lands 
and woods alternating. . . . Some of. . . (the) peasants have very 
large flocks of sheep, " and beyond Gyor (Raab) he found the 
land "flat, with corn and pasture lands. " 19 

But once across the Danube he found a marked change. 
"Here are great pusztas, or cattle-farms, single farmhouses, 
scattered about only for breeding and feeding of cattle; and it 
is principally from hence that the markets of Vienna, and far 
more distant ones are supplied. Though this plain is in general 
dry and sandy, yet in some places it is marshy. This sandy soil 
begins as soon as you cross the Danube from Buda to Pest: and 
the inhabitants of this latter city are much annoyed by sand in 
windy weather. " 

From Pest northeast to Gyongyos, the land was "well cul- 
tivated and in corn, M and along the southern slopes of the Matra 
he found patches of woodland and vineyards. East of the Tisza 
he found "the rudest part of Hungary. " He described the primitive 
housing and the huge village- like cities. From Tiszafured to 
Debrecen, "all the country. . . is a puszta. There is not a single 
village in the whole journey. . .all is immense and boundless 
wast. . . it is only sown here and there with corn (i. e. wheat), 
yet it is not lost; it feeds immense quantities of cattle. ... In 
some places this waste is marshy. " 1 From Debrecen north to 
Tokaj, the plain "grows a good deal of corn and Indian wheat 
(i. e. corn), but it is chiefly pasture land. " 

Dr. Richard Bright, the discoverer of Brights' Disease, 
travelled through Hungary when the Congress of Vienna, which 
he was attending, was interrupted by the return of Napoleon 
from Elba. He described the Puszta in much the same terms 
as Born and Townson had used: — "a dry sandy common, some- 
times totally without vegetation, frequently with scarcely enough 
to bind the sand together. ... In some places it was drifted 
by the wind into hillocks; in others it bore the rippled appearance 
observed on the sandy banks of rivers. " Most of the land between 
the Danube and the Tisza was "sandy country, extensive fertile, 



The Hungarian Plain 61 

but uninhabited, plains, where vast droves of cattle are fed, and 
prodigious marshy tracts on both sides of the Theiss (Tisza), 
of which the character throughout is one unvaried and apparently 
unlimited plain." 3 Near Kecskemet, in 1792, he noted, "a 
certain district. . .was measured and found to contain twelve 
square miles, of which two. . .were covered with drifting sand. 
Between. . . 1805 and 1806 the same district was again measured, 
and the sand at that time had extended itself over six miles. " 4 

The contrast between travellers' descriptions of the late 
18th century and those of the 16th and 17th is conspicuous. 
The latter admit to an area of grazing land in the center and 
north-east of the plain, but the later descriptions give as puszta 
almost all the territory lying east of the Danube and south of the 
mountains of Slovakia, while admitting to more intensive agriculture 
in Transdanubia. Along the rivers lay marshland, and the interven- 
ing higher ground was either grazing land or a waste of blown sand. 
After the devastation of the Turkish Wars, Transdanubia regained 
its earlier prosperity; east of the Danube, the land continued to 
deteriorate for another century before its reclamation was at last 
put in hand. 

The Origin of the Steppe : As recently as 1916, von Hayek 
declared that the question whether the Hungarian grasslands were 
a climatically induced steppe was still unsolved. 25 The older 
writers, especially Anton Kerner, probably the most widely 
known of them, were emphatic in ascribing the vegetation to 
climate, without allowing for either edaphic factors or human 
agency. The climate, however, is emphatically not one to which 

a tall-grass steppe is naturally suited. The most steppe-like areas, 
such as the Kecskemet Puszta, are in fact, not the driest, and their 
rainfall, both in total amount and in seasonal distribution are fully 
adequate for tree growth 7 . The plain should naturally be a wood- 
land with oak predominating 28 . 

Doubtless the treeless character of the plain has been exag- 
gerated. The empty, lonely puszta, its skyline broken only by the 
arm of a well- sweep, lingers on in the novels of Jokai and the 
poems of Petofi, but, as Bernatsky and others have emphasized, 
"there is no place where the eye cannot glimpse groups of trees, 
large or small, avenues, and rows of trees. " 29 

How then did the woodland which seems to have been widespread 
as late as the 17th century, become altered to the grassy steppe 



62 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

and blowing sand of more recent times ? The Turkish wars of 
the 17th and 18th centuries have most often been blamed. There 
is abundant evidence of the massive scale of the destruction; 
cities and villages were burned, the population driven to the hills 
and the region abandoned. But warfare, at least during these 
centuries, was not particularly destructive of woodland, and, 
in fact, tended to keep to areas that had already been cleared. 
Other factors than warfare contributed to the deforestation of 
the plain. Trees were cut also for fuel and for building, and 
the evidence of some city records is that cutting for these pur- 
poses was on a liberal scale. It is to be presumed that timber 
would not be floated down from the Slovakian mountains as long 
as it could be obtained from the plains themselves. 30 Grazing 
by the flocks and herds is also alleged to have been inimical to 
forest growth. But the grazing and trampling of animals do not 
generally destroy standing forest; they merely prevent its natural 
regeneration. Grazing was probably practised locally, in Cumania 
for example, from the 10th century, but it seems to have been 
developed on a large scale only in the later middle ages, when 
large cattle drives began from Hungary to Vienna, like those 
which travelled from the Ukraine into southern Poland. 1 A 
further factor, which favored animal husbandry at this time lay 
in the fact that it was always possible to drive the animals away 
into the hills on the approach of the Turkish army, whereas 
standing crops were invariably destroyed. 

A final factor in the conversion of the plain from a predomi- 
nantly wooded to a mainly grassy area was the regulation of the 
rivers and the draining of the marshes which bordered them. 
This was begun during the middle ages, and there is some frag- 
mentary data on the reclamation projects initiated by the mo- 
nastic foundations. 32 But the most intensive reclamation pro- 
jects belong to the 18th and 19th centuries, when the Turks had 
been expelled from the plains. From 1722 there was great 
activity in land drainage along the Tisza. The net result of these 
works was the lowering of the water table. The drying out of the 
soil during the summer covered a wider area and extended deeper 
beneath the surface than it had previously done. The effect of 
this was further to restrict the growth of trees, and the diminish- 
ing woodland cover and the drying out of the surface layers of the 
soil led to increasing blowing of the sandy topsoil. 



The Hungarian Plain 63 

Undoubtedly all these factors have interacted. The cutting 
down of trees, for whatever purpose, loosened the sand; the 
water-table, progressively lowered from the later middle ages 
onward, made it more difficult for trees to reestablish them- 
selves and hastened the blowing of the sand. The abandonment 
of the land, the replacement of settled cultivators by semi-nomadic 
pastoralists consequent upon the Turkish wars, merely prevented 
the soil from receiving the care and attention that it would other- 
wise have done. Overgrazing, which undoubtedly took place 33 , 
reduced yet farther the vegetation cover and increased the blowing. 

Lastly, there is the possibility of climatic change. Hungarian 
writers insist that the destruction of the forests and drainage of 
the marshes have reduced the total precipitation. This may have 
been so, though the evidence for such a change is entirely deduc- 
tive. It is also true, however, that any diminution of rainfall 
that may have occurred has not made the plain too dry for tree 
growth. On the other hand, the destruction of the trees, by 
removing natural windbreaks, has increased the violence and 
thus the dessicating powers of the wind. 

An area in the Bansag was agricultural land in 1723-1725; 
had restricted areas of sand in 1761, more extensive sand in 
1778 and is now mainly sand. 35 About the same time an exten- 
sive sand puszta at Deliblat was formed, and in 1808, trees were 
planted in an attempt to hold the sand. Between Cegled and 
Kecskemet, it was claimed, woodland was itself destroyed by 
the accumulation of blown sand. Szeged was endangered in the 
1790's and the level of the city of Kecskemet is said to have 
been raised by 4 metres during the century. The extent of the 
blowing and of the area ruined by it reached their peak in the 
late 18th century. The French traveller, F. S. Beudant, wrote 
in 1818 of the land between the Danube and Tisza that "most of 
the lands that are not inundated, produce only heath and brambles, 
and have an aspect of extreme aridity. The plains of Kecskemet 
are covered with white and moveable sands, which the winds 
raise and transport like clouds, to great distances. " 

Reclamation of the Pus5ta: Already, however, reclamation 
had begun. Even during the middle ages desultory attempts were 
made to plant trees to hold the sand, but these were not long 
continued. The years of Turkish occupation, roughly from 1526 
to 1700, probably witnessed the most continuous and serious 



The Hungarian Plain 65 

neglect of the land. It was then, in all probability, that the tree 
cover suffered most. The fact that blowing of the sand reached 
its most serious dimensions in the century following the Turkish 
retreat is probably to be attributed mainly to the concurrent 
lowering of the water-table. 

During the late 18th and 19th centuries demand increased 
for wheat, and this in turn encouraged the drainage and reclama- 
tion of the inherently fertile alluvial tracts along the rivers. 
The regulation of the Tisza and its left-bank tributaries began 
in earnest in the late 18th century, and was continued the 19th. 7 
Its length from Bokeny to its junction with the Danube was reduced from 
1220.3km. to768.2km. The marshes whichbordered it were brought 
under cultivation, and the water-table lowered yet more. This 
led to the further drying out of the surface, hastened the blowing 
and reduced yet farther the tree cover by draining moisture away 
from the roots of the trees. The consequences of this would 
have been more serious if there had not been concurrent attempts 
to improve the dry lands of the Alfold. New tree species, notably 
the mulberry and acacia, were introduced. The worst of the sand 
areas were either afforested or brought under cultivation. The 
grape vine, in particular, was established on them, and the vine- 
yards of the Alfold quickly came to exceed in importance those of 
the surrounding hills. At the same time, paradoxically, the 
drainage projects made it possible to irrigate some of the lowest 
areas that had been drying out during the summer. A problem 
which faces the states which share the Great Alfold is whether 
the completion of the drainage would, by lowering the water-table 
yet more, bring about renewed blowing and soil deterioration. 

During the early 19th century the settlement pattern, at least 
in the Great Alfold, consisted of large and highly nucleated 
villages. A few of these had survived from Turkish and pre- 
Turkish times; many were newly planned settlements. In their 
immediate vicinity, like the "infield" in certain medieval settle- 
ments, were gardens, orchards and vineyards. Beyond this 
lay a zone of field crops, mainly rye, oats, corn and wheat, and 
beyond this the empty puszta, used only for grazing. 40 During 
the century this relatively simple pattern was increasingly 
interrupted by the formation of small settlements, at first semi- 
permanent and then permanent, in the cultivated zone and also 
in the puszta. These tanya gradually came to be inhabited regularly, 



70 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

and thus formed in their turn the foci from which other settle- 
ments derived. The giant village remains today a feature of the 
plain, but is no longer the dominant element in the settlement 
pattern as it once was. 

Thus the puszta came to be broken up into fragments of 
ever smaller size. Its diminution has gone on gradually, so 
that today in very few areas of Hungary is it possible to see the 
apparently endless grasslands which appealed so much to the 
romantic imagination of 19th century travellers. Only fragments 
of puszta remain; often they are poorly drained and alkaline; 
and unfit for cultivation without very extensive use of lime or 
fertilizer. In the 18th century the agriculture of Western Hungary, 
or Transdanubia, had been characterized by crop- husbandry; 
that of the Great Alfold by cattle- rearing. The changes just 
summarized brought about a reversal of this pattern. In a pecul- 
iar fashion, the sides, as it were, were turned toward the middle, 
and what had formerly characterized the Alfold continued to be 
practiced in the peripheral areas. There is time only to examine 
certain aspects of this reversal. 

The Present Pattern of Land-Use : A land- use map, published 
in 1958 x shows, considerable grazing lands to the east of the 
Danube, but the plains are now seen to be predominantly cropland 
(Fig. 20). It is in Transdanubia and the northern hills that much 
of the meadow and pasture is now to be found. A series of agri- 
cultural maps was prepared during the Second World War by the 
Hungarian Department of Agriculture, on the basis of statistics 

of the crop year 1938-1939. The area covered was somewhat more 
extensive than present-day Hungary because it includes the areas 
taken from Czechoslovakia by the Vienna Award. Only three of 
these maps are reproduced here to illustrate this reversal. The 
first shows farmland as a percentage of total land (Fig. 21), and 
shows that both the Great and Little Alfold are almost wholly in 
agricultural use. The next map (Fig. 22) shows cropland as a 
percentage of the total area. The Little Alfold is mainly cropland, 
though the Great Alfold shows two areas which are less intensively 
cultivated: the Kecskemet area, where the soil is classified else- 
where in this agricultural survey as medium or poor in quality, 
and the Hortobagy, where soil conditions alone are not sufficient 
to explain the lower level of cultivation. 

Other maps in this series show the complementary nature 
of wheat and rye, each depending on the soil and together filling 



The Hungarian Plain 71 



out much of the Great Alfold, where they covered a third to a 
half of the cropland. Barley is a much less important crop, 
and in general is most important on the poorer soils, and oats 
are essentially the crop of the poorer soils of the hills, as corn 
is of the Great Alfold, with its high summer temperatures. 

A concluding crop-map (Fig. 23) shows the percentage of the 
land under all cereals taken together, and shows the great plain, 
stretching from the Danube to the Romanian border, as the 
granary of Hungary. 

A single map has been selected to show the distribution of 
animal husbandry (Fig. 24). It illustrates the distribution of all 
farmstock taken together. The Great Alfold appears now as a 
relatively unimportant area for stock-raising. The centers of 
this branch of agriculture have shifted to the west and north, 
leaving much of the Great Alfold free for crop farming. 

One's visual impression, gained from the maps in the 1939 
collections, is of a plain predominantly under cultivation, with 
pasture and woodland most significant in the hills and over the 
rolling country west of the Danube. Comparison with the map 
of land-use published in 1958 suggests that, though there may 
have been changes of detail, resulting from collectivization and 
other measures, the general pattern of land-use has not changed 
substantially since the pre-war years. This impression was 
confirmed by a traverse of Hungary in 1959. This may be nearer 
to the medieval pattern of land-use; it is a reversal of that of the 
18th and early 19th centuries. 



Notes 

1. Henry S. Conard, The Background of Plant Ecology, 
Iowa State College, Ames, Iowa] 1951; this is a translation of 
part of Anton Kerner, Das Planzenleben der Donaulander , 1863 
page 27 of Conard' s translation. 

2. A. Austin Miller, Climatology, London, 1944, p. 213. 

3. H. J. Mackinder, "The Geographical Pivot of History, " 
Geographical Journal , XXIII, 1904, pp. 421-437. 

4. C. A. Macartney, The Magyars in the Ninth Century, 
Cambridge, 1930, pp. 121-T23. 

5. Pierre George and Jean Tricart, L'Europe Centrale, 
Paris, 1954, Vol. I, pp. 157-159. ~ 



72 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

6. Otto of Freising, The Deeds of Frederick Barbarossa , 
trans, and ed. C. C. Mierow, Colum&la Univ. Press, New 
York, 1953, p. 65. 

7 . William Lithgow , The Totall Discourse of The Rare 
Adventures and Painefull Peregrinations, Glasgow, 1906, p. 
■JET. 

8. Ibid . , pp. 362, 364. 

9. Many such references are given in Karoly Kaan, A 
Magyar Alf old, Budapest, 1927, pp. 13-23. 

10. ". . .to the east of the country of Carinthia, beyond the 
desert , is the country of the Bulgarians," (sec. 12) and "that 
waste which is between Carinthia and the Bulgarians" (sec. 23). 
King Alfred's Description of Europe , Early English Text Society, 
ed. Sweet, London, 1906. ~~ 

11. C. A. Macartney, ^p. cit. , p. 

12. D. Sinor, History of Hungary, London, 1959, pp. 25-32. 

13. Nicolaus Olahus, Hung aria , Bibliotheca Scriptorum 
Medii Recentisque Aevorum, Vol. XVI, Budapest, 1938, sec. 11. 

14. Letters and Works of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu , ed. 
Lord Wharncliffe, London HT87, Vol. I., p. 149. 

15. Ibid ., p. 150. 

16. Ibid ., p. 151. 

17. Baron Inigo Born, Travels through the Bannat of Temeswar, 
Transylvania , and Hungary in the Year 1770 , London 1777, pp. 4-5. 

18. Robert Townson, Travels in Hungary , with a short ac - 
count of Vienna in the Year 1793 , London, 1797, p. 35. 

19. Ibid ., p. 46-51. 

20. Ibid ., p. 94. 

21. Ibid . , p. 235. 

22. Ibid . , p. 258. 

23. Richard Bright, Travels from Vienna through Lower 
Hungary , London, 1818, pp. 197-198. 

24. Ibid . , p. 198. 

25. August von Hayek, Die Pflanzendecke Osterreich-Ungarns , 
Vol. I, 1916, p. 479. ~ = 

26. Anton Kerne r, Das Pflanzenleben der Donaulander , 1863. 
In part trans, as Henry S. Conard, The Background of Plant 
Ecology , Ames, Iowa, 1951. 



The Hungarian Plain 7 3 

27. Hungary , ed. Ernest Helmreich, "East- Central Europe 
under the Communists, " New York, 1957, p. 39. See also 
Otto Stocker, "Ungarische Steppenprobleme", Die Naturwissen - 
schaft , XVII, 1929, p. 190. 

28. J. Bernatsky, "Uber die Baumvegetation des ungarischen 
Tieflandes, " Festschrift zur Feier des Siebzigsten Geburtstages 
des Herrn Professor Dr. Paul Ascherson , Leipzig, 1904, pp. 
73-8o~! See also Ranolf Rungaldier, "Natur- und Kulturland- 
schaft zwischen Donau und Theiss, " Abhandlungen der Geograph - 
ischen Gesellschaft in Wien , XIV, Heft 4, 1943; Rudolf von Soo, 
"Die Entstehung der ungarischen Puszta, " Ungarische Jahr- 
bucher, VI, 1927, pp. 258-276, and "Die Vegetation und die 
Entstehung der ungarischen Puszta, " Journal of Ecology , XVII, 
1929, pp. 329-350. 

29. Ibid ., p. 73. 

30. See Pierre Deffontaines,^ "La Vie forestiere en Slovaquie, 
Travaux publies par l'Institut d'Etudes Slaves , XIII, Paris, 1932. 

31. K. Kaan, op. _cit. , pp. 47-49. 

32. K. Kaan, op. £it. , pp. 36-38. 

33. K. Kaan, op. cit. , pp. 65. 

34. Arthur J. Patterson, The Magyars : their country and 
Institutions , London, 1869, Vol. I, p. 93. 

35. K. Kaan, op. cit . , p. 66. 

36. F. S. Beudant, Travels in Hungary in 1818 , London, 
1823, p. 116. 

37. See Henry Marczali, Hungary in the Eighteenth Century, 
Cambridge, 1910; Count Paul Teleki, The Evolution oT Hungary 
and its place in European History , New York, 1923, pp. 93-96. 

38. Paul Vujevic, "Die Theiss: eine potomologische Studie", 
Geographische Abhandlungen herausgegeben von Albrecht Penck 
in Wien, Bd. VII, Heft 4, 190T: 

39. See J. G. Kohl, Austria : Vienna , Prague , Hungary , 
Bohemia and the Danube , London, 1843; Firmin Lentacker , 
"L' installation humaine dans la grande plaine hongroise, " 
Annales de Geographie , LDC, 1950, 51-53j Gyula Prinz, "Die 
Siedlungsformen Ungarns, " Ungarische Jahrbiicher , IV, 1924, 
pp. 127-142; 335-352; A. N. J. Den Holander, Nederzettings - 
vormen en - Problemen in de Groote Hongaarsche Laagvlakte , 
Amsterdam, 1947. 

40. L. de Lacger, "La Plaine hongroise: Alfold et Puszta", 
Annales de Geographie , X, 1901, 438-444. 



74 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

41. Foldrajzi Atlasz , Budapest, 1958, pp. 11-12. 

42. Magyarorszag Mezogazdasaga 1938-1939, Budapest, no 
date. 



PROBLEMS OF THE POLISH CEMENT INDUSTRY 

By Antoni Kuklinski 
Institute of Geography- 
Polish Academy of Sciences 



Poland is among the countries with the most favorable condi- 
tions for the development of the cement industry. The raw 
materials are widespread; coal is abundant, and the high rate 
of growth of building construction generates the necessary demand. 
The traditions of the Polish cement industry are very old, and one of 
the first cement mills to be built in the world was the *Grodziec' 
plant, which in 1957 celebrated its hundredth anniversary. l 

Table 1 shows the output of the Polish cement industry in the 
period 1938-1965. Three features stand out: 

1. The scale of destruction during World War II is 
estimated at about 40 per cent of the existing capacity. This is 
the chief reason why the pre-war level of output was surpassed 
relatively late, only in 1953. 

2. The accelerating rate of expansion of the industry suggests 
that the 1965 target, to reach or surpass the 1958 per capita 
level of output of such countries as Czechoslovakia, France, 
Sweden or the United States, is a realistic one. The average 
yearly increase of output since 1946 has been: 

1946-50 285, 200 tons 

1951-55 259, 600 tons 

1956-60 553,600 tons 

1961-65 908,000 tons 

3. The utilization of the economies of large scale production 
by the Polish cement industry. The average output per plant 
rose more than twofold between 1938 and 1960, and will surpass 
the level of 0. 5 million tons in 1965. The main factor in this 
change is the construction of such plants as 'Pokoj', 'Przyjazn', 
'Chelm', 'Rudniki', each of which will have an annual capacity 

of about a million tons. 

75 



Table 1 

The Output of Cement in Poland 
1938 - 1965 





Number 


Output per 


Output 


Index 


Output per 


Year 


of cement 


plant in 


in thous. 


of growth 


inhabitant 




plants 


thous. tons 


tons 


1938= 100 


in 
kilograms 


1938 1 


20 


162 


3 246.0 


100-0 


100 


1946 2 


12 


114 


1 373.3 


42.4 


57 


1950 


14 


180 


2 514,0 


77.4 


100 


1953 


16 


206 


3 294.0 


101.5 


124 


1955 


16 


238 


3 812.2 


117.4 


140 


1956 


16 


252 


4 035. 1 


124.3 


145 


1957 


17 


264 


4 487.4 


138.2 


159 


1958 


17 


298 


5 058.3 


155.5 


176 4 


1959 


18 


295 


5 314.6 


163.7 


180 


I960 3 


19 


346 


6 580.0 


202.7 


220 


1965 3 


22 


505 


11 120.0 


342.6 


347 



1. Computed for the area within the present boundaries of Poland. 
Sources are listed in the article by A. Kuklinski, "Changes in the Dis- 
tribution of the Polish Cement Industry, " Przegl^d Geograficzny , Vol. 
XXX, 1958, No. 4. 

2. 1946-1965. Source: Planning Commission of the Council of 
Ministers. 

3. Targets for the plan. 

4. For comparison: Belgium 448 kilograms, Czechoslovakia 
305 kg. , France 307 kg. , Spain 162 kg. , India 16 kg. , USA 300 kg. , 
Sweden 336 kg. , UK 229 kg. , Italy 255 kg. Source: Rocznik Statys - 
tyczny 1959 , Glowny Urz§d Statystyczny, Warszawa 1959, p. 429. 



o. 



^orfKoMO - 



o. 



o 



.XX 



TornSo< 



.Ootoctn 



OS 



o 



-6. 



o 



THE LOCATION 
OF CEMENT MILLS IN 1959 

^ AcHwi Hillt 

3 Aclnr* Milt tttpondid) 

© Kittt in Construction 

O Pwpowd locohon* of No. Mill* oftor 1900 

10U - copiroi of 1 



V BoreK MO 

(potest' 



Figure 25 
Sources : 



: Location of Cement Mills in 1959. 

A. Trembecki, "Mining and Economic Problem! 
in the Exploitation of Cement Raw Materials, " 
Cement- Wapno-Gips, No. 7-8, 1959. 



78 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

These economic and technological changes are the first results 
of a large investment program in the Polish cement industry. 

Fig. 25 shows the location of the cement plants in Poland in 
1959. The next part of this paper will try to explain the geograph- 
ical pattern of the Polish cement industry and will discuss the 
distribution of the inputs and outputs and the changes in the 
pattern between 1938 and 1965. 

The Distribution of Inputs Used in the Polish Cement Industry : 
The basic inputs of Polish cement industry are listed in Table 
2. The natural materials used in cement manufacture are lime- 
stone, chalk, and marl, quarried out of Triassic (5 works), 
Jurassic (3 works) and Cretaceous (6 works) deposits. 3 Only 
one mill — Wejherowo — uses chalk from quaternary lakes. The 
distances between the mill and the quarry in most cases are not 
less than 0. 5 km. and not above 3. 5 km. The mills 'Przemko' 
and 'Warszawa' do not produce clinker (raw non- ground cement), 
and have only a grinding plant for clinker and storage, so that 
they do not use natural raw materials at all. 

One of the most improtant trends in the development of 
Polish cement industry is the growing use of blast furnace slag. 
The volume of inputs of this type rose from 164 thousand tons 
in 1950 to 1, 200 thousand tons in I960. 4 The fuel inputs consists 
of low quality bituminous coal of average calorific value 5, 500 
calories per kilogram. The distribution of raw materials, 
mineral deposits and other sources which supply inputs to the 
cement industry is presented in Fig. 26. 

The main feature of this map is the difference between 
northern and southern Poland. The geological history of Poland 
has allocated most of the exploitable deposits to the southern 
part of the country. This phenomenon is an important factor in 
the distribution of Polish cement industry which, in Poland at 
least, must be considered as an input- oriented activity. 

Here a general remark may be made about the relative impor- 
tance of locational factors in coutries of different size. In a 
country like the continental United States, which is 25 times bigger 
than Poland, the market is the most important factor in changes 
in interregional location. The raw materials, which in this 
areal scale can be considered as semi- ubiquitous, are in most 

cases only a factor of locational changes inside the different 

6 

regions. 



Polish Cement Industry 



79 



Table 2 

Raw Materials Fuel and Energy Inputs in the Polish Cement 
Industry in 1957 



Type of input 


Quantity 
in millions 


Input per ton 
of cement 
produced 


Natural raw materials 1 
Blast furnace slag 
Gypsum 

Bituminous coal 
Electrical energy 


6 531 ton 
629 ton 

179 ton 

1 512 ton 
423 Kwh 


1 455 kg 
140 kg 

40 kg 
337 kg 

94 Kwh 



1. calcareous, siliceous and argillaceous components. 

2. about 30 % generated by the cement plants themselves 
using coal included above. 

Sources: 1. A. Trembecki, "Mining and Economic Problems 
in the Exploitation of Cement Raw Materials, " 
Cement — Wapno — Gips, 1959, Nr 7-8. 

2. Ministry of Construction and Building Materials. 



I'.M LokoCholk 
1=^3 Chdl. 




THE DISTRIBUTION 
OF THE SUPPLY OF INPUTS IN 1957 



Cement Mill 
A Most Furnace 



^ Cool 



Figure 26: Distribution of the sources of materials used 
in the cement industry . 

Sources: A. Trembecki, op. cit. A. Bolewski, M. Budkie- 
wicz, Surowce przemysiu budowlanych materiaiow 
wi^z^cych , Warszawa, 1956, p. 80; S. Zawadzki, 
"Hutnictwo zelaza w Polsce, " Geografia w Szkole , 
No. 1, 1958, p. 8. 



Polish Cement Industry 81 

The Distribution of the Outputs of Polish Cement Industry: 
The proportion between domestic and foreign markets in the 
allocation of outputs of the Polish cement industry is presented 
in Table 3. The main factor in the development of the cement 
industry is the demand generated by the expansion of the national 
economy. Export is of secondary importance. In the years 
1946- 195 6, Poland exported 5. 2 million tons of cement, a yearly 
average of 472.5 thousand tons. 7 After 1956 even this relatively 
small volume of export was reduced because of the growing 
internal demand. The huge investment programme for the years 
1956-1965 will change the situation. Poland will probably re-enter 
the world market as a cement exporter of medium size. At 
present, the possibility is entertained of a Polish cement export 
of 0. 5 million tons in 1965 and of 1 million tons in 1975. 8 

In a country such as Poland, where the cement industry is 
managed as a single economic unit, the problems in the distribu- 
tion of outputs lie theoretically and to a large extent practically 
in the choice between two courses: 

1. To maximize the external economies by minimizing the 
costs of transportation. Each cement mill would thus produce 
several types of cement according to the structure of demand of 
its 'natural' market region. 

2. To maximize the internal economies at the expense of 
higher transportation costs. Each cement mill would specialize 
in the production of one type of cement. The costs of production 
would be lower in comparison with the former course, but the 
costs of distribution of outputs higher, as there would be cross- 
hauling of different types of cement thoughout the whole country. 

The data presented in Tables 4 and 5 and in Figs. 28-29 
show that the Polish cement industry has chosen a course of 
action rather close to the second solution. 9 Some changes can, 
however, be expected in this field. Starting from July 1, 1960, 
a new tariff has been introduced in Poland, raising the price of 
railroad commodity movement which till this time had been below 
the level of cost. The economies of specialization of the Polish 
cement plants will also be computed again. Probably the next 
few years will show the development of a reasonable compromise 
between those two opposite solutions and of a pattern of output 
and transportation which will minimize the joint costs of cement 
production and shipment to the place of consumption. 



82 



Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 



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7H£ REGIONS OF CEMENT 
OUTPUT IN POLAND 
1938 - 1965 



Volume of Output 

Present Boundaries of Poland 

Germon - Polish boundary in 1938 



I 
Figure 27: Regions of cement production in Poland, 1938- 



1965. 



84 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

The Change of the Spatial Pattern of the Polish Cement 
Industry 1 93 8 _ 19 65 

As a framework for the discussion of this problem the 
five cement 'regions' and three 'isolated' plants as presented 
in Table 6 will be used. 10 

Silesia-Cracow Region : The most important cement region 
in Poland is the Silesian-Cracovian Region. The raw materials 
used by the cement mills consist of the rich Silesian Triassic 
limestone deposits and the Jurassic limestones of the Cracow 
and Cz§stochowa Upland. Only one mill — Goleszow — located 
in the most southerly part of the region, uses cretaceous lime- 
stones (see Fig. 26). The cement mills of the region have a 
definite locational advantage in the short haul from the Upper 
Silesian Coal Basin, which is an important source of supply of 
inputs and of demand for outputs. 

In 1938 seven cement mills of the Cracovian- Silesian Region 
produced more than 1.4 million tons of cement. In the 
War II period, the equipment and machinery of those plants 
were used ruthlessly, so that, after hostilities had ended, their 
technological value was very low indeed. Nevertheless, after 
necessary repairs had been made in 1945, they started to produce, 
and in 1946 their output surpassed the level of 1 million tons 
and supplied one of the essential materials for the reconstruction 
of the ruined country. 

In the period 1946- 1955, no new plants were built in this 
region. The output was rising steadily through the more efficient 
use of the existing equipment and small-scale supplementary 
investments that were made in them. 

The period 1955-1965 is one of large-scale investments in 
the expansion of capacity of three existing plants and in the 
construction of three new works. 

In the years 1955-1959, near the old 'Wiek' plant a new one 
was built, 'Wiek II', so that the present 'Wiek' plant consists 
really of two units of different dates of origin. In the period 
I960- 1965, new kilns with full equipment will be built in the plants 
'Wysoka' and 'Saturn'. 

The first cement plant located on an entirely new site is 
the "Nowa Huta" mill which forms part of the huge integrated 
iron and steel works near Cracow. The plant is being built in 
two stages. The first was the construction of a grinding station 




u 
<u 

l~ 

o . 
U o 

CO Z 

,0 to 
O O 

8 ° 
go 

O T3 
U nK 

o „ 

•H i-r-l 

ft s 

n^ 
£ c 

i" 

3 O 

° +j 

o 

CO fH 

.b 

•H -t-> 

J JH O 

+3 in 



00 

<U CD 

2 b 

ttf) 3 




a 



Polish Cement Industry 87 

in 1956-1959 for clinker shipped from "Wiek II" and for the 
blast furnace slag from the works nearby. The second step is 
the construction, in the years 1960-1963, of a new kiln department 
using the dry method of cement manufacture. In I960 also the 
construction of two new plants in the northern part of the region 
was started: the plant in Rudniki and the plant in Dzialroszyn 
(see Fig. 25). According to the plan there will be in 1965 ten 
active plants in this region producing about 4. 4 million tons of 
cement. 

Opole Region : The district of Opole is the chief center in 
this region because the mills are located in or around the town 
of Opole itself, in an area of relatively large deposits of 
cretaceous marls. The existence of the raw materials and 
the proximity of the Upper Silesian Coal Basin were important 
factors in the development of the cement industry in Opole. In 
1938 there were seven mills in Opole, producing about 1. 1 
million tons of cement. In 1943 one of these had become worn 
out and was abandoned. In 1945-1947, it was possible to put 
into operation only three plants: 'Piast', 'Groszowice' , and 
'Bolko'. The remaining three were destroyed or dismantled at 
the end of the hostilities. The most important investment in 
this region has been the reconstruction of the 'Odra' plant and 
the expansion of the capacity of the plant 'Groszowice'. The 
reconstruction of 'Odra' was very thorough and consisted rather 
in the building of a new plant, using only the old layout and some 
of the old buildings. The first cement from this plant was 
produced in 1952. Three years later a new blast furnace slag 
department was added, and further improvements were introduced 
in the equipment, so that in I960 the plant is to produce more 
than 0. 5 million tons of cement. 

The expansion of the plant 'Groszowice' was brought about 
by the construction of a new kiln, which was put into operation 
in 1952, and by the construction of a new department producing 
high early strength cement. 

The output of cement in the region of Opole surpassed the 
pre-war level in 1955 and will reach the level of 1 . 5 million 
tons in 1965. The expansion of the cement mills in Opole is 
limited by the location of the quarries which are situated inside 
urban areas in places suitable for housing and other types of 
urban land utilization (see Fig. 30). 



Table 4 
The Output of Different Types of Cement in Poland in 1957 







Share in 








the natio 








nal out- 
put of 
cement 




Name of the 
plant 


Place 


Masonry 
1 cement 
150 


"Przemko" 


Szczecin 


2.5 


31 


"Wejherowo" 


Wejherowo 


1. 1 




"Warszawa 


Warszawa- Zerari 


4.9 




"Pokoj" 


Rejowiec pow. Chelm 


11.9 


13 


"Przyjazn" 


Wierzbica pow. Szydlowiec 


8. 1 




"Podgrodzie" 


Raciborowice pow. Boleslawiec 


3.4 


56 


"Odra" 


Opole 


8. 1 




"Piast" 


Opole 


6.1 




"Bolko" 


Opole 


1.7 




"Groszowice" 


Groszowice pow. Opole 


9.3 




"Grodziec" 


Grodziec pow. Bfdzin 


8.5 




"Saturn" 


Wojkowice Komorne pow. B§dzin 


4.3 




"Wysoka" 


Wysoka, pow. Zawiercie 


9.3 




"Wiek" 


Ogrodzieniec pow. Zawoercie 


2.7 




"Szczakowa" 


Jawor zno- S zc zakowa 


7. 1 




"Gorka" 


Gorka k. Trzebini, pow. Chrzanow 


4.6 




"Goleszow" 


Goleszow, pow. Cieszyn 


6.4 






100 


100 


100 


6.0 



Types of cement 


Masonry 

cement 

250 


Portland 
cement 

for Light- 
weight 

Concrete 


Portland 
blast fur- 
nace slag 

cement 
250 


Portland 

cement 

250 


Portland 

cement 

350 


Highway 

cement 

350 


Portland 

cement 

400 

(high 

early 

strength) 


100 


100 


6 
22 

72 


2 

13 
19 

21 
5 
15 
10 
15 


41 
29 

22 
8 


100 


100 


100 


100 


100 


100 


100 


100 


100 


1.7 


0. 3 


13.6 


44.8 


31.0 


1.4 


1.2 



Source: T. Lijewski, J. Bolkowski, "Geographical and Economic 

Problems Connected with the Transport of Cement in Poland,' 
Przeglad Geograficzny , Vol. XXXI, 1959, No. 2 



in I 



Portland 

cement 

400 

(high 

early 

strength) 


cncor s -c^inm>— looooosDinoomi— i \o 


o 
o 

r— 1 


ommflinHOOsOHNOuiooooo o 


Highway 

cement 

350 


ooro— ir-ivor^oot^-sOOcMi— iinovo 


O 
O 


oc»-Hini-ioor-H— loooot^voo-^m oo 

.-! CM 


Portland 

cement 

350 


sOO^^^ooHinvoinNoo^ooon oo 


O 

o 


NlfllflOOsOt-MHHOlflONNN^^ 


Portland 

cement 

250 


Hino^o^ino^^vom^oo^ifi o 


o 
o 


^^vOvfll'^NN^rtrHHin^h-cn in 


Portland 
blast fur- 
nace slag 
cement 


Ovoi^o^^^inH^co^fOcoNoo o 


o 
o 


co^oOsOfMcocMCNj-^rvirocNjTf'^roinsO 


Portland 
cement 

for Light- 
weight 

Concrete 


■^ m i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i 

^ in 


o 
o 


Masonry 

cement 

250 


t-r-Ht^^^o^a>m>ONsOT)iH^ r- 


o 
o 


\OCO(MOOHmONHHrtH^f-TJ(|^ _| 


Masonry 

cement 

150 


vOincnTf<cor^c»rNicMf\iro^Hc»t^oooo m 


o 
o 


oor^r^com^-<(v]cnf-<^HCNa'<^(\j(\]^H in 


<U -rj 

u « 

> o 

O > 

£ o 


Warszawa 

Bydgoszcz 

Poznan 

Lodz 

Kielce 

Lublin 

Bialystok 

Olsztyn 

Gdansk 

Koszalin 

Szczecin 

Zielona Gora 

Wroclaw 

Opole 

Katowice 

Krakow 

Rzeszow 


o 

+-> 

oi 
'o 

ft 



co 

T) 

,3 

U 

a 

<u ^ H 

rC! CO •£ 
P CO 

•* ° d 

3 jo 
O ^ 



CO 

a „ 

a 
a) 

u 



1 .,_,! 


r- 


I s - o co r^ o 
r— t*- c\j i i i o o 


o 

o 
o 


_ _1_946_ _ 
Estimate 
thous. tons 


vO 


1 066.0 

246. 3 

38.9 

10. 2 
11.9 


CO 
CO 

r- 

co 


Number 

of 

plants 


in 


C*- CJ i-» 1 I 1 >-i —t 


CM 


... , , 

1 o, 
1 tJI 


^ 


44.0 
33.9 

3.4 

13.9 

0.5 
4.3 


O 
O 

o 


_ J2 3 A _ 

Estimat 
thous. tons 


co 


1 430 

1 100 

110 

450 

16 
140 


<* 

CM 

CO 


Number 

of 

plants 


cm 


i- r- •-» i co i ^h ^h 


o 

CM 


Regions 

or 

plants 


- 


CO 

o 

•w 
&0 


Silesian-Cracovian Region 

Region of Opole 

Region of Lublin 

Region of Radom and Kielce 

Region of Szczecin 

Plants: 


"Warszawa" 

"Wejherowo" 

"Podgrodzie" 


ti 
«J 

o 

Ph 

+-> 
o 
H 






, 1 

1 3' 

! °« 


CO 

i— i 


\0 in r~ o co t^r-vO 

r-~ O O CM vOON 

CO r-l rH r-H 


o 

O ! 

o 


_ 1 9 6 _ _ 
Estimate 
thous. tons 


CM 
i— i 


vDNmoo o m n 
r~ oo o n in ■^■^r*- 

Tf CM CM r- rH Tf< rH 
CM rH rH 


o 

00 

in 


Number 

of 

plants 


- 


OO^NHH ^HrHrH 


- 


■ i 

1 +j i 

: i i 
:§: 

i -d, 


O 


r~- UT) rH rH O CM ^ 

in o o oo cm i rH co 

1<Nh 


o 

o 
o 


. _ 1 . 9 _ 5 A _ 

Estimat 
thous. tons 


o 


l 738.4 

l 125. 

384. 3 

309.5 

77. I 

46.7 
131.2 


CM 
CM 
00 
CO 


Number 

of 

plants 


00 


[s_ ^ ,_, H rH | rH rH 


vO 


Regions 

or 

plants 




CO 

d 



•rH 

00 
0) 

rtf 


Silesian-Cracovian Region 

Region of Opole 

Region of Lublin 

Region of Radom and Kielce 

Region of Szczecin 

Plants: 


"Warszawa" 

"Wejherowo" 

"Podgrodzie" 


d 

rH 

"o 
It 



1 ^j 1 

i T3i 


sO 


o m co co .— i mOi— i 

fO M N r-t 


o 
d 

O i 


_ _1_9_6_5_ _ 

Estimat< 
thous . tons 


m 


4 413 

1 501 

2 662 
1 550 

150 

650 

30 

164 


o 

CM 


Number 

of 

plants 


^ 


i-H 


CM 
CM 


Regions 
or 
plants 




CD 

o 

•H 

0) 


Silesian-Cracovian Region 

Region of Opole 

Region of Lublin 

Region of Radom and Kielce 

Region of Szczecin 

Plants: 


"Warszawa" 

"Wejherowo" 

"Podgrodzie" 


T3 

a 

a 
i—i 
o 
& 

i— < 

cd 
-(-> 

o 
H 




Pruszkim 



Knpkowict 



Krtpkomice Kfdtierzyn Stuelce Opabkit 



rt 



fr^ / 



4 



Iki 



Figure 30: Cement works in the Opole district of Poland. 
Explanation of symbols: 1. railroad; 2. principal roads; 3. 
river; 4. settlement areas; 5. woodland; 6. Turonian marls; 
7. active quarries; 8. inactive quarries; 9. cement mills in 
operation, 10. cement mills inactive since World War II. 

Source: B. Kortus, "Cement Industry in the Opole Dis- 
trict, " Prze^la^d Geo^raficzny, XXX, 1958, pp. 
619-646. 



Polish Cement Industry 95 

The region of Lublin : The interregional inequality of 
growth of the capitalistic economy on the territory of Poland 
before World War II created underdeveloped areas in the central 
and eastern parts of the country. Among the many resources 
that were not fully utilized were the deposits of chalk and marl 
of the Lublin Upland, which were among the best in Europe. In 
1938 only one plant, 'Pokoj' in Rejowiec, was active in this 
region. During the war the mill was used without proper care 

for its equipment, so that after the end of hostilities very ex- 
tensive repairs were necessary. The pre-war level of output 
was not surpassed until 1950. [ 

In 1951 near the old 'Pokoj' plant, the construction of a new 
one, 'Pokoj II', was started with three kilns and other equipment. 
'Pokoj II' produced its first cement in 1955. In 1957 two more 
kilns were put into operation, and in 1959 a new department 
for using furnace slag began production. However, the most 
important investment in this region is the construction of the 
cement plant 'Chehn', one of the biggest cement plants in Europe. 
The construction was started in 1957. Up to 1960, six kilns had 
been installed here, and two others are to be added in 1963. 

The plants 'Pokoj' and 'Chelm', separated from each other 
by a distance of about 14 miles, have a joint supply of basic 
raw materials. In order to get the proper chemical composition 
of the raw mix, both plants use chalk quarried near the plant 
'Pokoj'. For this interchange of marl and chalk effective use 
is made of specially constructed railroad cars, eliminating the 
movement of empty cars. 

Radom-Kielce Region : The area of Lublin is the most 
rapidly expanding cement region in Poland. The output of this 
region rose from 0. 11 million tons in 1954 to 1 . 3 million tons 
in 1960 and is designed to reach the level of 2.6 millions in 1965. 
The region of Radom and Kielce includes the area of the Holy 
Cross Mountains, an old region geologically, rich in resources 
used by the building materials industry, and especially in lime- 
stones of different periods. 

Already in 1898 a small cement plant, 'Kielce', was built 
in this region, but was closed in 1910. The present large-scale 
development is the result of the investments of the years 1950- 
1965. 

The first item is the construction of the cement mill 'Przyjazn' 
in Wierzbica, about 14 miles southwest of Radom, where the 



96 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

conditions for the establishment of a quarry in the Jurassic 
limestone are favorable. The first cement was produced 
in 1953, and in 1955 the output of the plant was more than 0. 3 
million tons. 

In the years 1957-1959 the capacity of the plant was expanded^ 
two kilns and a new department for blast furnace slag were added. 
In 1960 the plant 'Przyjazn' is expected to produce 0. 72 million 
tons of cement. 

The second item is the construction, already begun, of the 
plant ' Nowiny', using the Devonian limestone deposits situated 
southwest of Kielce. The plant is designed as an integrated unit 
producing both cement and lime. The planned capacity of the 
cement plant is 1 million tons of cement yearly. The plant 
'Nowiny' will start production in 1965. 

Szczecin Region : The region of Szczecin in 1938 produced 
about 0.45 million tons of cement. At this time, the raw 
material was shipped by barges from the Island of Rugen. The 
hostilities and the dismantling at the end of World War II, practi- 
cally obliterated the cement industry in this region. It was 
possible to rebuild only one plant, 'Przemko', which was put 
into operation in 1949. At present it is very difficult to build 
a new and efficient mill in this region. The raw material de- 
posits are too small to support mills that would be of optimum 
size. 

Isolated Mills: Outside those five cement regions there 
are three "isolated" plants in Poland. The mill 'Wejherowo' is 
a small two- kiln plant, using chalk dredged out of the bottom 
of lake Orle and shipped on barges to the mill over a distance 
of 4 miles. The plant will be reconstructed in 1961 and, start- 
ing in 1962, will specialize in the production of white cement. 
The cement mill 'Podgrodzie' in Lower Silesia, equipped with 
shaft kilns, is also a small plant, partially destroyed at the 
end of World War II, and put into operation again in 1946. 
The plant will produce 0. 17 million tons of cement in 1960. 

The mill 'Warszawa' is a new plant, put into operation in 
1957. The plant consists of grinding and storage departments, 
and grinds clinker, shipped from the 'Wiek II', and blast fur- 
nace slag. The plant will produce 0.44 million tons of cement 
in 1960. The plant 'Warszawa' made the first experiment in 
Poland in the bulk shipment of cement. This modern form of 
transportation is planned to be developed very quickly, and the 



Polish Cement Industry 97 

quantity of cement transported in bulk in Poland is due to rise 
from 0.6 million tons in 1960 to 3.5 million tons in 1965. 



The evaluation of the change of the spatial pattern 

Table 6 and Fig. 27 present the relevant materials for the 
discussion of this topic. The main change in the spatial pattern 
is the emergence of new cement- producing regions. Table 7 
outlines the proportions between old and new regions in 1938- 
1965. 

Table _7 

Old and New Regions of the Polish Cement Industry 
1938 - 1965 

Year Old Regions New Regions Poland 



1938 


96.6 


1946 


97.2 


1955 


81.8 


1960 


62.7 


1965 


56.4 



3.4 


100 


2.8 


100 


18.2 


100 


37.3 


100 


43.6 


100 



1. The Silesian-Cracovian Region, the Region of Opole, 
the Region of Szczecin, and the Plants 'Wejherowo' 
and 'Podgrodzie'. 

2. The region of Lublin, the region of Radom and Kielce 
and the Plant 'Warszawa', 



There are three reasons for the expansion of the cement 
industry in the new regions of Central and Eastern Poland. The 
first is the utilization of the economies of scale by the cement 
industry. Both in the region of Lublin and in the region of Radom 
and Kielce, the size of the raw material deposits does not limit 
the size of the newly constructed or expanded plants, so their 
capacity can be close to 1 million tons which is now recognized 
as the optimum size. 14 Secondly, the construction of new mills 



98 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

in those regions at the same time promotes the economic 
development of these underdeveloped areas. The construction 
of such plants as 'Przyjazn' or 'Chelm' creates new jobs in a 
backward agricultural area where the mills form a new type of 
economic activity. The location of cement mills thus becomes a 
tool in the policy of overcoming the interregional differences 
in economic growth. 15 Thirdly, the construction of new mills 
in Central and Eastern Poland reduces the distance between 
the demand and the supply of cement in this part of the country. 

A second important fact in the change of the pattern discus- 
sed is the growing areal association of the iron and steel with 
the cement industries. The most striking example of this trend 
is the construction of the cement mill "Nowa Huta", using the 
furnace slag from the Lenin iron and steel works, and the 
'Rudniki' plant,which will be supplied with slag from the Bierut 
iron and steel works in Czestochowa. In this case, the cement 
industry is following the general trend of re- distribution of 
economic activity inside the Silesian-Cracovian Region, the 
trend toward increasing the importance of the outer fringe of 
the region in comparison with the core, the Upper Silesian Coal 
Basin. 16 

In conclusion, one can distinguish between three types of 
location for cement plants: 

1. Plants located inside urban areas which compete for 
manpower with other local industries and also with other claims 
on land-use. A good example of this situation is the problem of 
the cement industry in Opole. 

2. Plants located on the fringe of the growing industrial 
areas which have no problems of land utilization and no local 
industrial competition for manpower, but "feel" the competition 
of more distant works which can be reached by commuters from 
the area. Such a situation is likely to arise after the construc- 
tion of the plant 'Dziatoszyn' situated in the outer fringe of the 
industrial districts of Cz§stochowa and £.6dz. 

3. Plants located as an instrument for the economic de- 
velopment of backward agricultural areas. Such plants face 
only the competition of agriculture for the manpower supply. 
Some of their problems arise from this fact. Part of the workers 
are proprietors of small farms, and their agricultural activity 
sometimes influences negatively their efficiency in the mill. 
Naturally^this is a transitory situation and in the long run the 



Polish Cement Industry 99 

agricultural activity of persons employed by the mill will be 
of lesser and lesser importance. This is the type of situation 
which may arise in such plants as ' Chelm'. The development 
of the cement industry in Poland changes not only the conditions 
of supply of this material for the growing national economy, but 
also generates important changes in the regional economy of 
different parts of the country. 



Notes 

1. An outline of the history of the Polish cement industry is 
presented in a special issue of the journal Cement- Wapno-Gips, 
1957, No. 10. 

2. The raw materials used by the American cement industry 
are discussed in a recent publication of the Portland Cement 
Association — C. F. Clausen, Cement Materials , Portland Cement 
Association, 1960. 

3. In the Institute of Geography of the Polish Academy of 
Sciences, Mgr. L. Gorecka is preparing a Ph. D. study on the 
relations between the cement industry and the physical setting. 
For other European comparisons see H. Hessberger, "Die 
Industriel- lands chaft des Beckumer Zementreviers, " West- 
falische Geographische Studien , No. 10, Munster, 1957"! 

4. A. Trembecki, "Mining and Economic Problems in the 
Exploitation of Cement Raw Materials. " C ement - Wapno -Gips , 
1959, No. 7-8. 

5. Compare: Harvey S. Perloff and others, Regions , 
Resources and Economic Growth , Recources for the Future, 
John Hopkins Press, Baltimore, 1960. 

6. Compare P. C. Morrison, "Cement Plant Migration 
in Michigan, " Economic Geography , Vol. 21, 1945, pp. 1-16. 

7. R. Wierzbicki, "Polish Cement on the International 
Market," Cement - Wapno - Gips , 1957, No. 10. 

8. A. Trembecki, ^p. cit . 

9. Compare: T. Lijewski, J. Bolkowski, "Geographical 
and Economic Problems Connected with the Transport of Cement 
in Poland, " Przeglad Geograficzny , No. 2, 1959. 

10. Compare: A. Kuklinski, "Changes in the Distribution 
of Polish Cement Industry in 1938-1960, " Przeglad Geograficzny , 
Vol. XXX, 1958. 



100 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

11. A detailed description of this region is presented in an 
article by B. Kortus, "Cement Industry in the Opole District, " 
Przeglad Geograficzny , Vol. XXX, 1958. 

12. The development of the cement industry in the region of 
Lublin is outlined in an article by A. Schinitzek, C ement - "Wapno - 
Gips, 1957, No. 10. 

13. For a detailed description of Poland's natural resources 
see: J. Kostrowicki, Srodowisko geograficzne Polski , Warszawa, 
1957. 

14. Compare the most interesting remarks in the book on the 
economics of Soviet cement industry: Z. I. Loginov, Cementnaya 
Promyshlennost SSSR , Moskva I960. ~~ '~~ 

15. Compare: A. O. Hirschman, "Investment Policies and 
'Dualism' in Underdeveloped Countries, " The American Economic 
Review , No. 3, 1957. 

16. Compare the book by Norman J. G. Pounds, The Upper 
Silesian Industrial Region , Indiana University Publications, 
Vol. XI, 1958, and the article by S. Leszczycki, A. Kuklinski, 
M. Najgrakowski, J. Grzeszczak, "Spatial Structure of Polish 
Industry in 1956, " Przeglad Geograficzny , Vol. XXXII, Supplement 
1960. 



CHANGES IN THE AGRICULTURAL GEOGRAPHY 
OF YUGOSLAVIA 

By George W. Hoffman 
The University of Texas 



In few countries of the world has agriculture undergone so 
many profound and rapid changes in a period of twenty years 
(1939-1959) as in Yugoslavia. These changes are to be found in 
the structure and ownership of land holdings, in actual production 
(size and type of crops), and in the use of farming techniques. 
Every aspect of agriculture was affected by these changes, as 
can be seen from the figures summarized below: 

In 1939, 75 per cent of the population was directly dependent 
upon agriculture for its livelihood. There was a population density 
of 1.14 persons per hectare, a natural increase in population of 
approximately 200,000 per year (70,000 for the active population) 
and an agricultural surplus population running as high as 50 per 
cent. Change was imperative if the standard of living of the 
population was to be raised, and the basic agricultural structure 
be radically altered. But scope for change was limited. With 
the exception of the Vojvodina, landholdings were traditionally 
small in most parts of the country, and 80,000 peasant families 
had no holdings at all. Farming methods were backward and 
modern machinery and artificial fertilizers were too expensive 
for the small holdings. The marketable surplus, therefore, was 
small, and in 1932 close to one- third of the peasantry was in 
debt. 2 Capital was lacking and poor communications prevented 
much inter- regional trade. Agricultural output was devoted 
largely to cereals — 80 per cent of the total sown area — implying 
a backward cropping pattern and an unbalanced diet. 

Changes after World War II were slow at first. Sudden 
policy changes, affecting land ownership especially, were dictated 
by political considerations, and brought great unrest to the peasants. 

101 




THE FEDER A L PEOPLES 
REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA 

INTERNATIONAL BOUNDARY 

FEDERAL REPUBLICS 

AUTONOMOUS REGIONS 

• REPUBLIC CAPITALS 

* NATIONAL CAPITAL 



Figure 31: Administrative divisions of Yugoslavia. 



Agriculture of Yugoslavia 103 

The government's pledge to transform the country from an agrar- 
ian economy to an industrial, and the low priority generally given 
to increasing agricultural production, left agriculture in a state 
of stagnation for many years. Large production fluctuations 
(amounting at times to 50 per cent of the volume of production), 
brought about by droughts and floods in some of the most fertile 
regions, resulted in a decline in the available marketable sur- 
pluses. Only after the middle fifties did government policies 
give increased attention to the problem of raising production 
and improving the standard of living of the peasantry, with the 
result that a steady improvement in the various branches of 
agriculture is now being felt for the first time. Before discuss- 
ing the major changes since World War II, their reasons and 
their impact, it is important to place agriculture in its physical 
setting and cite the many diverse characteristics of the natural 
environment, which make possible the great variety of agricultural 
production. 

The Geographical Background ; The Federal People's Republic 
of Yugoslavia (1960 population of about 18,667 million with a 
population density of 189 per square mile) with an area of 98,740 
sq. miles — roughly the size of Wyoming — occupies a region 
between the Eastern Alps of Austria and the mountains of the 
Southeast European Peninsula; and between the Adriatic Sea and 
the Pannonian basin of the continental interior. (Fig. 31). 

Of Yugoslavia's total land area 58.5 per cent is classified as 
agricultural lands, 34.5 as forests, and 7 per cent as unproductive. 
Of the agricultural area, 51.1 per cent is arable land and gardens, 
4.5 per cent orchards and vineyards, 1Z.8 per cent meadows, and 
31.6 per cent pastures. Table 2 gives figures for Land Utilization 
in Yugoslavia for different years. Figs. 32 and 33 show the distribu- 
tion of agricultural and arable land among Yugoslavia's republics 
and Fig. 34 the distribution of agricultural lands as a percentage 
of the total land broken down by districts. From the point of 
view of relief, close to 80 per cent of the country consists of 
mountains and hills (above 600 feet), and 20 per cent of fluvial 
valleys and plains. 

On the basis of the variety of natural and socio-economic factors, 
e.g., topography, climate, soil, marketability and folk customs, 
five general agricultural regions are recognized in the following 
discussions (Fig. 35): 3 (1) the Pannonian Plain, (2) the Pannonian 






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Land use near Slano on road from Metkovic to Dubrovnik, 
Dalmatia. The stone houses are about 200 feet above the road 
which in itself is here about 500 feet above the Adriatic Sea. 
Small patches of wheat bordered by rock fences indicate pro- 
perty lines. Olive, fig, and cypress groves are characteristic 
for this landscape. 










The Adriatic littoral. View from the road Dubrovnik to Trebinje 
toward the Bay of Cavtat. Wheat, vineyards and olives are the 
typical Mediterranean produce. 







V*. 



if 



«*%f 






" 



Section of Danube -Tisza- Danube Canal. The partially new 
and enlarged canal network will ultimately provide a system 
of navigable canals of over 600 km. In addition, over 1,1 Z0 
million hectares of land will be drained and an additional 
360,000 hectares irrigated. (Yugoslav Information Service) 




Newly opened vineyards and orchards at Kumanovo, 
Macedonia. (Yugoslav Information Service) 



northern 



^j^^^Wmm^ 




Open grazing in Macedonia. Scene on the road, Bitola to Prilep 
(Pelagonian Basin). Note the barren, steep slopes, together 
with the poor drainage of the basin. The afforestation in the 
background was started many years ago, but the recurring gully- 
ing and mudflows in the hills and sheet erosion in the basin have 
made that a tremendous task. 







Irregular and small fields in Istria, district of Rovinj, Croatia. 
(Yugoslav Information Service) 







Rectangular farms with geometric settlements near Zrenjanin, 
Banat, Vojvodina. The Vojvodina was newly colonized in the 
17th and 18th centuries, after the retreat of the Turks. The 
rectangular pattern of land use and geometric settlement was 
laid out by the Austrian government. Before that the popula- 
tion was very scattered, ownership was not fixed, and common 
pasture ground prevailed. (Yugoslav Information Service) 




Rural scene in Banat, Vojvodina. The windmill dates from the 
18th century. (Yugoslav Information Service) 




Typical Vojvodina road village: Stara Pazova, Srem, on the 
road from Belgrade to Novi Sad. 



Agriculture of Yugoslavia 111 

valleys, (3) the mountainous areas, including the Alps, the 
Dinar ic Alps, the Rhodope mountains and a number of isolated 
blocks, (4) the Adriatic littoral and islands, and (5) the Aegean 
valleys. 

(1) The Pannonian Plain includes the river valleys of the 
Danube, Tisza, Drava and parts of the Sava rivers. Roughly 
18 per cent of the total area of Yugoslavia is included and 30 
per cent of its arable land. Over 75 per cent of the land in this 
region is under crops and gardens, vegetables, orchards and 
vineyards. This is the grain basket of Yugoslavia, producing 
roughly 50 per cent of all bread cereals, 48 per cent of 

all maize, 85 per cent of all sugar beet, 82 per cent of all 
sunflower seeds and 74 per cent of all hemp. Roughly 15 per 
cent of the area is forested, mainly with broadleafed trees. 

Occasional droughts and floods in this important food-pro- 
ducing region are a calamity affecting the whole economy, and 
all the major fluctuations in Yugoslav agricultural production 
since the Second World War can be traced to abnormal weather 
conditions in the Pannonian Plain. Summer temperatures in this 
region range from 72° to 75° F. , and combined with sufficient 
rainfall are essential for a successful maize harvest. 

To increase the agricultural capacity of this region, large- 
scale flood control, the regulation of rivers and the building of 
embankments, became necessary. 4 One of the largest of these 
projects, the Danube- Tisza- Danube project now being constructed, 
is concerned with the ever recurring problem of increasing 
cultivated land by controlling subterranean waters and marshes. 
Over 1.1 million hectares of land is involved in this scheme with 
an ultimate area to be irrigated of 360,000 hectares. 

(2) The Pannonian valleys region includes northeast Croatia, 
central and eastern Slovenia, central Bosnia and most of Serbia, 
roughly 28.5 per cent of the total area of Yugoslavia with 35 per 
cent of its arable land. This region is one of mixed agriculture, 
with fruit and vine growing and livestock raising. Close to one- 
third of all agricultural lands are covered by meadows and 
pastures, but wheat and corn are grown in the fertile flat bottoms 
of the valleys. Close to 35 per cent of the area is timbered, with 
stands of oaks predominating in Serbia and south of the Drava 
river in Slavonia. The acorns from the these trees are important 
for feeding the large number of pigs. 



OF LAND UTILIZATION -1958 



AGRICULTURAL AREA BY CATEGORIES 




LBANIA^T GREECE 



Figure 32: Yugoslavia: agricultural area by categories 
of land use, 1958. 



Agriculture of Yugoslavia 113 

The northeast and central parts of this region have an average 
annual precipitation of 31 to 39 inches which is evenly distributed 
through the year. The climate is typically continental. Winters 
are cold and summers hot, giving these parts a January- July range 
of approximately 74° F. Warmer air masses from the Aegean 
Sea penetrate in winter toward central Serbia, but the maritime 
influence is not felt in summer. Precipitation in most parts of 
Serbia varies from 22-24 inches in the valleys and reaches 47 
inches in the mountains. The ample precipitation in the whole 
region permits a great variety of agricultural activities. Of 
special importance are the many fruit and vine growing activities 
on the hills and lower mountains. Grapes can grow to an altitude 
of 1,500 feet in parts of Slovenia and even higher in Serbia. Apples 
are the predominant fruit in the northeast, and plums in Serbia, 
where the famous slivovica brandy is distilled from prunes. 
Fifty-five per cent of all orchards and 50 per cent of all vine- 
yards in Yugoslavia are in this region. 

Flooding too is a problem in the river valleys of the Sava 
and Morava and a number of reclamation projects are now under 
way. The major Yugoslav rivers overflow their banks every few 
years and the total damage is estimated at 10 to 15 per cent of an 
average crop. It is estimated that the proposed reclamation work 
on the Morava will increase arable land by over 40,000 hectares 
and by 170,000 hectares on the Sava river. Only the shortage of 
necessary funds for these projects holds back a more rapid 
development. 

(3) The mountainous areas cover between 27 and 36 per cent 
of the total Yugoslav area, depending on its precise definition. 
The region extends through varied relief from the Eastern Alps 
in Slovenia to the Rhodope mountains in Macedonia and also 
includes a number of isolated mountain blocks. The whole region 
is devoted chiefly to livestock raising, and only secondarily to 
crop farming, but forestry also plays a very important role. 
Roughly 15 to 18 per cent of the area, most of it over 3, 000 feet 
in elevation, is unproductive. The main mountain chain stretches 
parallel with the Adriatic coast from the Gulf of Trieste to southern 
Montenegro and is known as the Karst region. This region is 
characterized by short and widely spaced river valleys. Rain 
falling upon these often bare limestone rocks sinks rapidly under- 
ground where it continues to flow. Alluvial deposits and red 



114 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

earth (terra rosa), a relatively fertile soil, cover the bottoms 
of the Karst depressions, and permit the growth of subtropical 
cultures in the southwest, vines, tobacco plants and almond 
trees, and mountain cereals such as rye, barley, and oats, as 
well as potatoes and cabbage in the northeastern and higher areas. 
Drought in the southwest and floodings at the end of the summer 
in many polja (large Karstic depressions as much as 40 mi. in 
length and 6 to 10 mi. in width) destroy or retard crops. The 
karst regions are also important for stock-breeding, and trans- 
humance is generally practiced. Some of the mountain pastures 
are three to five days walking distance from the settlement. 

The forests which cover over 30 per cent of this area, 
coniferous in the high mountains and deciduous in the lower 
interior valleys, play a very important role in its economy. 
Better forest management, additional forest roads, a long-term 
program of reforestation, and better control against indiscriminate 
forest grazing can greatly increase the economic value of this, 
Yugoslavia's most important timber region. 

The Dinaric Alps are an effective barrier to the penetration 
of maritime influences into the continental interior. Temperatures 
decrease rapidly; between the Adriatic littoral and Sarajevo, a 
distance of 118 miles, they may fall by as much as 49° F. in winter. 
Precipitation is heavy, largely concentrated in autumn and winter, 
and decreases from west to east. It comes usually in torrential 
downpours of short duration, but does much damage to cultivated 
areas, sometimes washing slopes down to the bare rock. Damage 
in the form of flooding of the polja , the only fertile areas in this 
region, and soil erosion make cultivation extremely hazardous. 

(4) The Mediterranean littoral and islands includes 11.6 per 
cent of the Yugoslav territory with only 3.4 per cent of its arablei 
land. Grain crops, mostly corn, play a minor role and occupy 
only 10 per cent of the agricultural area, while pastures and 
meadows cover 75 per cent. Typical Mediterranean plants are 
cultivated, such as olives, vines, figs and oranges. The olives 
are confined to richer clay soils and to areas not affected by the 
bura, a cold, dry wind which blows from the higher regions in 
the northeast toward the Adriatic. Vines grow best in a clay and 
sand soil on terraces exposed to the sun. They also grow in the 
limey soil of the long, narrow terraces, held up by stones, that 
are cut into south-facing slopes of the Karst. Figs grow in 
vineyards and fields. Oranges are found on the south coast. 




Figure 33: Yugoslavia: arable area by method of utiliza- 



tion. 



116 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

Vegetables have increased in importance, and are in great 
demand by tourists, but most of them must be grown under ir- 
rigation. The large scale reclamation and irrigation work 
initiated at the mouth of the Neretva river will ultimately make 
this region Yugoslavia's most important vegetable- growing area. 
Here the average January temperature is 41° F. , and both fruits 
and vegetables can be grown the year round. Stock-breeding 
has much declined in recent years with the peasant finding more 
profitable employment in the newly established industries of the 
coastal cities and the rapidly increasing tourist business. 

Precipitation varies greatly and reaches its maximum in 
autumn and spring; summer drought is normal especially in the 
south. Crops and fruits in the littoral region are much affected 
by the strong winds, the bura, already mentioned, and the humid 
sirocco , blowing from the south and southwest of the Adriatic 
Sea and bringing much precipitation to the Dinaric Alps. 

(5) The Aegean valleys are located in Macedonia and consist 
of an alternation of basins, gorges and mountains. The region 
includes also the southernmost parts of Serbia and has 6.4 per 
cent of the total area of Yugoslavia and 5.3 per cent of its arable 
land. The low basins are exposed to the warmer air masses 
from the Gulf of Salonica which penetrate deep into the valleys 
during the winter. The basins are suitable for subtropical 
agricultural products, such as rice, cotton, tobacco, maize, 
melons and a variety of vegetables, as well as early fruits, 
sesame and poppy. Maize, vegetables and melons must almost 
always be irrigated. The slopes are planted with vines, figs, 
almonds and pomegranates. The region now produces 93 per cent 
of Yugoslavia's cotton, 84 per cent of its rice, 50 per cent of its 
tobacco and 100 per cent of the poppy crop. Nearly one- third of 
Yugoslavia's irrigated agricultural area is in this region. Stock- 
breeding is of some importance, the low basins serving as winter 
pastures and the high mountain meadows as summer grazing. 
This region has buffaloes in the humid basins and the donkey 
often serves as draft animal. Mention should also be made of 
the mulberry- trees planted in the lower Vardar valley for the 
growing silk industry. 

Average annual precipitation in the lower Vardar valley is 
below 16 inches and appears always as rain. The surrounding 
mountains and higher basins have rainfall ranging up to 63 inches, 



Table 1 



Changes in Yugoslav Agriculture 



Agrarian Population in per cent . . 

Population density per 100 hectares 
of agricultural area 

Area of private holdings below 5 

hectares, in per cent of total . 

Land Ownership: private holdings 
in per cent of total agricultural 
area 

National Income from 

Agriculture in per cent 

Forestry in per cent 

Cereals as per cent of total sown 
area 

Agriculture's contribution to export 
in per cent of total 

Wheat exports /imports in per cent 
of total supply 

Amount of fertilizers used per 
hectare of arable land, in 
kilogram 

Tractors available, number per 1000 
hectares of land 



pre- or immediate 


1958-1960 


postwar 




75 a 


50 b 


114 e 


90 d * 


28 h 


38 c 



73. 3§ 



44. 3 a 
4.6 a 

80 a 

41 a 



90. 4 l 



29. 2 ( 
2.0 ( 



72 c 



21. 5< 



5.5 export nil ( 

20.5 imp. i 
45.2 imp. J 



3.2' 



0.3 1 



90 c 



3.6< 



Sources: compiled from official publications 



a- 1939 
b- 1960 
c- 1958 



d- 1959 g- 1951 

e- 1945 h- 1931 

f- 1934-38 average i- 1952 



j- 1956 

^estimate 



118 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

but much of the rain comes as sudden downpours causing great 
damage from soil erosion on hills and sheet erosion in basins. 
This is a problem of great magnitude, and a number of protective 
steps have now been taken. 

Word War II and its Aftermath : The destruction caused by 
the war in terms of farm equipment, rural housing and population 
losses was staggering: 80 per cent of the farm equipment, 60 per 
cent of the draft animals, and 40 per cent of the rural housing 
was completely destroyed. The basic necessities of life were 
in short supply. Close to seven per cent of the population lost 
their lives during the war, and, in addition, about 750,000 people 
living in Yugoslavia in 1939, emigrated or were expelled. This 
figure includes 445,000 ethnic Germans (Volksdeutsche ) , most of 
whom lived in the fertile lands of the Vojvodina and neighboring 
Slavonia, and were the descendants of German settlers of the 
17th and 18th centuries. Reconstruction and rehabilitation in 
agriculture was therefore essential if the national economy was 
again to function properly. 

Thanks to the vast supplies provided from the United Nations 
Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) in 1945 and 
1946, in all $480 million ($365 million from the USA), mass 
starvation was avoided. For example, between October 1945 
and June 1946, between three and five million people received 
all of their food supply from UNRRA, while another 3. 5 million 
were partially fed by UNRRA. 9 Clothing, footwear, raw material 
for textiles, and medical supplies, also were supplied free of 
charge to the Yugoslav government. This enabled the government 
to concentrate all its efforts on reconstruction and getting the 
machinery of production in motion again. The Yugoslav govern- 
ment was also aided by reparation payments from Germany, 
Italy and Hungary. By the middle of 1947, facilities had reached 
a point where the government could start its long-term planning 
effort. 

As is well known, Yugoslavia also went through a social 
revolution after the devastating war and liberation. In the first 
postwar land reform of 1945, over 1.5 million hectares of agricultural 
land, about 11 per cent of the land in private hands, were nationalized; 
41 per cent of this came from the holdings of the departed Germans. 10 
Private holdings were limited to 35 to 45 hectares of agricultural 
land, and over half of the land nationalized was given to the landless 



Agriculture of Yugoslavia 119 

peasants. Many of them moved into the lands vacated by the 
Germans; 41,633 families with a total of 250,000 members were 
settled in the Vojvodina alone. ll Most of these people came 
from regions with a large surplus population and poor agricultural 
conditions. Unaccustomed to the different agricultural methods 
practiced in the plains, which differed from their original 
homeland, the once efficiently managed farms, which before 
World War II provided most of the marketable surplus in cereals, 
either deteriorated or recovered only slowly from war damage. 

Changes in Land Tenure — Socialist versus Private Holdings : 
The land reform of 1945 was the beginning of a series of important 
structural changes in the agrarian sector of the economy. These 
reforms affected the size of individual land holdings and their 
distribution between the private peasant and the socialist sector. 
Included in the socialist sector are publicly-owned farms, state 
enterprises, holdings of agricultural institutions and schools, 
and various types of Peasant Work Cooperatives (SRZ), 1 publicly- 
owned forests and the General Agricultural Cooperatives (OZZ). 
The latter were at first little more than cooperative village 
stores. As a result of the first land reform, publicly- owned 
farms received roughly 330,000 hectares of agricultural lands 
from the land fund. But this reform only further aggravated the 
plight of individual subsistence farmers by adding to the number 
of small holdings. 

Collectivization was not really enforced until early 1948. 
Peasant Work Cooperatives increased rapidly from 31 in 1945 
to 779 in 1947, and from 1,318 in 1948 to 6,626 in 1949. They 
reached their greatest number by late 1950 with 6,964. At the 
height of the drive (1950-1951) the socialist sector included 26.7 
per cent of the total agricultural area with 17.9 per cent of all 
farm holdings. As was to be expected, peasant resistance was 
strong and was expressed in diminished production, reduction 
in the number of livestock and an increasing amount of unculti- 
vated land. The serious droughts of 1949 and 1950 further 
aggravated the situation. 

By 1951 peasant resistance, together with adverse weather 
conditions, forced the government into a slow reappraisal of its 
policies. Forced collectivization was discontinued 14 and a policy 
of "easing off", including reorganization of Peasant Work Coop- 
eratives and General Agricultural Cooperatives, was initiated. 15 



120 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

Forced deliveries of most agricultural products were abolished 
between 1951 and 1953. "While taxes were increased for all 
holdings of over 10 hectares of cultivated land, limited credit 
facilities were established for private peasants. 

The change in policy was accelerated after another catas- 
trophic harvest in 1952, when grain yields fell to 37 per cent 
below the prewar average and food imports increased greatly. 
Wheat imports rose to 20.5 per cent of total needs, and almost 
threequarters of this was supplied by the United States. By ear- 
ly 1953, the government took full cognizance of the problem and 
announced a major reversal of policy by introducing voluntary 
membership in the cooperatives. Peasants were now permit- 
ted to leave collectives and take some or all of their original 
land with them. The number of peasant work cooperatives was 
reduced to 1,100 by the end of 1953. 

With the mass withdrawal of land from the collectives, an 
urgent need for more land for those peasants remaining became 
essential. In order to obtain the necessary land and also to 
express its opposition to the so-called "large owners, " the 
Government initiated the Law on the Agricultural Land Fund of 
May 1953, providing, with certain exceptions, for a maximum 
of 10 hectares of cultivated land in private holdings. The overall 
effect was small. Only 268,000 hectares, including land from 
disbanded collectives, was thus obtained. According to a report 
of the Federal Executive Council of 1954, only 3.7 per cent of 
the arable land and 2 per cent of the peasant population were af- 
fected by this land reform. 

The 1953 land reform was the last change affecting the size 
of land holdings, but the main problem, that of insufficient land 
for those dependent upon agriculture, was still not solved. The 
government spoke of "adjusting the weapons to changed conditions, 
and it was for several years, in Kardelj's words, "searching for 
a new way" to accomplish its long-term plan "of the socialist 
transformation of the village. " 17 Between 1954 and 1956 the 
foundation was laid for a new type of socialism in the village, a 
socialism based on stressing the principle of cooperation between 
the private peasant and the socially- owned farms. 8 The General 
Agricultural Cooperatives were reorganized and their activities 
extended; they bought grain from the producers and they became 
the chief source of assistance to the private peasant by making 



AGRICULTURAL AREA IN PER CENT OF TOTAL LAND AREA, 1955 




O to 5% 
2. 5 to 15% 



3l 15 to 25% 
4 25 to 40% 



District Boundaries as 



LJ - Ljubljana 
Z" Zagreb 
R- Rijeka 
S - Split 



N - Nis 
SK- Skopje 
8L~ Banja Luka 
SU- Subotlca 



SA-Sarojevo 
NS-Novi Sad 

Belgrade T" Trieste 
C-Cetinje M-Maribor 



Figure 34: Yugoslavia: agricultural land as percentag< 
of total area, 1955. 



122 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

tractors, fertilizers and special seeds available to him. Co- 
operation was of great importance for increasing agricultural 
production, inasmuch as in 1957 only 42 per cent of the peasants 
had the equipment necessary to till their own land, while 45 per 
cent had to borrow equipment and only 13 per cent were well 
enough equipped to till their own land and in addition, help others. 19 
Increased attention to raising the low level of agricultural pro- 
duction forced the government to make major changes in its 
financial policies, to increase agricultural investments, to extend 
credits to private peasants, and to introduce a new and more 
equitable policy of taxation and price support for certain key 
products. With the promulgation of the new Five Year Plan in 
1957, a new era for agriculture commenced. It was no longer 
treated as the step-child of the economy. Forced collectiviza- 
tion was definitely abandoned and emphasis was now placed on 
cooperation between the private peasant and the socialist sector. 

As can be seen from Table 3, the government relies on the 
General Agricultural Cooperatives as the main organization to 
facilitate and increase this cooperation. The number and area 
of socially- owned farms (see Table 4) has actually declined. 
On the other hand, as will be shown in the following pages, in 
spite of their reduction in number and total area, the efficiency 
of these socially-owned farms is steadily increasing and they 
are the recipient of massive government aid in the form of tractors, 
fertilizers, and special seeds. The government depends heavily 
on them for the production of an increasing marketable surplus. 
In 1959 the share of the socially- owned farms and private co- 
operating farms in the marketable surplus was as follows: 
wheat,44 per cent*, maize, 50 per cent*, sugar beet, 48 per cent; 
meat, 18.5 per cent-, and milk, 17 per cent. The socialist sector 
altogether worked 1.3 million hectares of agricultural land in 
1959, roughly 9.4 per cent of the total arable area. General 
Agricultural Cooperatives in 1960 (preliminary census data) 
operated on roughly 18 per cent of all private holdings; 41 per 
cent of the private holdings received fertilizers and seeds, and 
8.6 per cent were plowed by cooperative machinery. 

It is the hope of the government that "individual holdings will 
ultimately diminish and that cooperatives will ultimately cultivate 
independently or with the cooperation of peasants at a higher 
level of cooperation than at present." 20 Kardelj clearly expressed 
the future policy in his detailes expose of May 1959 when he 



Table 3 

Collaboration between General Agricultural Cooperatives 
and Private Sector in Agriculture, 1956 - 1959 



5,472 


5, 


242 


4,803 


2,600 


2, 


989 


3, 304 


1,406 


1, 


371 


1,502 


202,643 


289, 


643 


428,027 




29, 


330 


49,835 



24 
20 


770 b 
861 


207,849 b 
146,300 


548, 
414, 


147 c 
016 


27 


103 


70,210 


266, 


737 


2, 

1 


230 
673 


4,909 
2,216 







1956 1957 1958 1959 

GENERAL AGRICULTURAL 
COOPERATIVES (OZZ) 

Total number of General 

Agricultural Cooperatives 5,576 
Farms only 2,350 

Total Membership, in million 1, 286 
Total Area in hectares 181, 240 

Area under lease in hectares 

COLLABORATION WITH 
PRIVATE FARM HOLDINGS 21 

Crop farming, number of farm 

holdings 
Crop farming, area in hectares 

Stock breeding, number of 
farm holdings 

Permanent crops, number of 

farm holdings 
Permanent crops, area in hectares 

SERVICES IN THE CULTIVATION 
OF LAND BELONGING TO 
PRIVATE PEASANT HOLDINGS d 

Number of holdings to which 
services were rendered: 

ploughing 108,281 212,853 270,000 

sowing 20,188 25,896 50,635 

harvesting 15,165 49,757 54,191 

threshing 389,265 524,846 692,904 

Holdings to which services 

were rendered in hectares: 

ploughing 131,286 259,858 396,187 700,824 

sowing 23,563 28,752 51,339 167,135 

harvesting 20,445 63,512 67,789 213,037 

threshing (in tone) 383,714 874,168 

1,011,072 1,452,323 



a joint production and cooperation based on advance contracting. 

bincluded are only works performed by cooperatives to individual 
households in form of usual service according to price-table 
(so-called service). 

Q 

total amount of work is expressed in all forms of cooperation. 

dfor additional details of socialist cooperation of the OZZ with individual 
households see Statisticki Godisnjak FNRJ I960, p. 140, tables 123, 
124 and 125. 

Sources: Compiled from Statisticki Godisnjak FNRJ 1958, 1959, I960 
and Indeks No. 6, 7, I960 



883 


776 


713 


557 


57,816 


56,222 


63, 114 


81,503 a 


602,656 


636,526 


640,012 


662,090 






72,319 


105,453 






71,576 


80,598 


15.4 


23.5 


24.6 


39.5 


21.5 


37.8 


41. 1 


50.5 



Table 4 



Yugoslavia: The Socialist Sector 



AGRICULTURAL ENTERPRISES (Poljoprivredna Dobra) 

1956 1957 1958 1959 

No. of Enterprises 
Persons employed 
Total Area in ha 
Wheat harvested, ha 
Maize harvested, ha 
Wheat - qui per ha 
Maize - qui per ha 

AGRICULTURAL INSTITUTIONS AND SCHOOLS (Gazdinstva Polj , 
Ustanovai Skola) 

No. of Enterprises 437 373 291 221 

Persons employed 12,958 11,152 9,494 7,131 

Total Area in ha 109,825 114,469 109,593 35,662 

Wheat harvested, ha 4,108 3,574 2,728 2,384 

Maize harvested, ha 7,277 5,752 3,618 2,319 

Wheat qui per ha 23.9 24.0 36.1 

Maize qui per ha 38.5 39.9 40.8 

PEASANT WORK COOPERATIVES (Seljacke Radue Zadruge SRZ) 

No. of Enterprises 561 507 384 229 

Persons employed 86,868 72,994 55,560 24,580 

Total Area in ha 212,996 215,783 205,266 174,265 

Wheat harvested, ha 41,085 46,809 43,534 36,139 

Maize harvested, ha 44,475 50,202 47,611 38,099 

Wheat qui per ha 15.4 22.1 22.6 42.9 

Maize qui per ha 22.7 35.7 40.2 50.1 



Agricultural industrial plants include persons employed in industrial 
plants . 

Source: Statisticki Godisnjak , FNRJ , 1959, 1960, and Indeks No. 6,7, 
1960. No 6.7. 1960 



Agriculture of Yugoslavia 125 

stated that "the general agricultural cooperatives will receive 
every possible encouragement to promote socialist policies in 
rural areas. " 

Trends in Production : The unsuccessful efforts at collectiv- 
ization before 1951; the two land reforms of 1945 and 1953 which 
increased an already large number of individual subsistence 
holdings; the long period before 1957 of indecision in agricultural 
policy; a series of catastrophic droughts, particularly in the 
early fifties, and the low priority assigned to agriculture in 
general for a period of many years, all contributed to a stagna- 
tion and even decline in agricultural production before 1957. 
Only with emphasis on increased agricultural production under 
the Five Year Plan (1957-1961), on voluntary cooperation instead 
of forced collectivization, and on greatly increased federal finan- 
cial aid, did Yugoslav agriculture finally emerge from its postwar 
depression. The excellent and varied physical conditions should 
make Yugoslavia one of Europe's outstanding producers of a 
wide range of agricultural products. While certain unfavorable 
natural conditions, especially in Yugoslavia's most fertile region, 
the Pannonian plain, will always produce fluctuations in production, 
the comparatively low level of agricultural techniques and land 
cultivation, the use of a relatively small amount of fertilizer, and 
the limited area of irrigation and drainage works have in the past 
only aggravated the effects of adverse weather and soil conditions. 
All types of crop yield vary from year to year, but with the in- 
troduction of new techniques and a greater degree of cooperation 
between the socialist sector and the private farmer, yields have 
shown a steady increase since 1956. Differences between farms 
applying the new agricultural techniques and those using old methods 
are great, but more and more farms are availing themselves of 
the new techniques and cooperate with the General Agricultural 
C oope r ative s . 

The overall volume of agricultural production has shown a 
steady increase since 1956 (see Table 5 for agricultural produc- 
tion of selected crops). The pattern of production is slowly chang- 
ing; before the war, grain crops comprised 80 per cent of the total 
sown area. By 1958 they had declined to 72 per cent, with the 
difference devoted to an expansion in industrial crops, vegetables, 
and vine and fruit-growing. Changes will be accelerated in the 
years to come, with special emphasis given to industrial crops 



Table 5 



Agricultural Production for Selected Crops Area 
Production, and Yields 



Area in 1000 ha 



Production in 
1000 tons 



Average 

yields 

per ha in 

quintals 



Wheat 



1930-39 av. 
1948-56 av. 
1959 



Maize 
T930 



39 av. 
1948-56 av. 
1959 



Rye 



1930- 
1948- 
1959 



39 av. 
56 av. 



Sugar Beet 

T930-39 av. 
1948-56 av. 
1959 

Hemp 

1930-39 av. 
1948-56 av. 
1959 

Sunflower 

1930-39 av. 
1948-56 av. 
1959 

Tobacco 



79T0-39 av. 
1948-56 av. 
1959 



Cotton 



1930-39 av. 
1948-56 av. 
1959 



2, 140 
1.830 
2, 130 

2,600 
2,400 
2,580 

250 
271 
236 

35 
83 
81 

42 
62 
39 

6 

108 

86 

15 
38 
49 

2 
17 
13 



2,400 

2, 190 
4, 130 

4, 300 

3, 520 
6,670 

212 
249 
265 

616 
1, 320 
2,420 

250 
271 
241 

9 
10 
11 

15 
31 
46 

1 
6 
9 



11 
12 
19 

16 
15 
26 



9 
9 

11 



176 
159 

297 

59 
44 
62 

15 

9 

13 

10 
8 
9 

6 
4 
7 



Source: Statisticki Godisnjak FNRJ 1960 , pp. 118-123 



Agriculture of Yugoslavia 127 

and vegetables. While in 1956 crops contributed 54 per cent and 
livestock 35 per cent to the total value of agricultural production, 
in 1960 the contribution of crop growing had declined to 39 per 
cent and that of livestock had increased to 45 per cent. 

The Yugoslavs consider 1959 a turning point in their agri- 
cultural development. In that year it was possible for the first 
time since 1950 to feed the population entirely from the domestic 
production of wheat, the most important cereal, and to dispense 
with costly imports. 1 The results of the i960 harvest have been 
most satisfactory, and permit the export of wheat for the first 
time in twelve years. The total agricultural production has 
finally and definitely surpassed the levels of prewar production 
and the postwar stagnation. The most important factor contribut- 
ing to this improvement is the increasing availability of agricultural 
machinery, fertilizers and special varieties of seeds, as well as 
the increasing number of agricultural experts, including foreign 
agricultural experts, all of this permitting the development of new 
techniques. 2 Briefly these can be summarized as: 

i. special and improved types of seeds — varieties 
of Italian wheat and American hybrid corn; 

ii. the application of larger quantities of fertilizer — 
a minimum of 400 kg per hectare; 

iii. extremely close planting; 

ix. deep plowing— a minimum of 8 inches. 

These techniques are interdependent, and in areas where only 
some were used, yields were correspondingly smaller. 

The government's emphasis on the socialist sector, especial- 
ly the publicly- owned farms, has already been mentioned. As can 
by seen from Table 6 yields are generally higher on the publicly- 
owned farms than on farms worked by private peasants and this 
is especially true for the non- cooperating farmers. This steady 
increase in the average yields on publicly- owned farms is due to 
the use of new agricultural techniques. One of the most successful 
innovations in crop growing has been the introduction of special 
high-yielding varieties of wheat and corn. The yields of domestic 
varieties and special varieties of wheat range from 22 to 23 and 
50 to 60 quintals respectively per hectare. With sufficient seeds 
now available, it is expected that a big effort will be made to 



AGRICULTURAL REGIONS IN YUGOSLAVIA 

( 




Figure 35: Agricultural regions of Yugoslavia 



Table 6 



Yugoslavia: Areas and yields of farms applying the new 
agricultural technique 



Year and type 


All farms 


Arable area 


Uross fertilizer 


Estimated area 


per tractor 


consumption 


sown to 


of farm 


(ha) 


per ha of 


improved wheat 






cultivable area 


and maize seed 






(kg) 


(Percentage of 
total sown area) 


State farms 








1955 


90 


124 




1956 


73 


238 




1957 


59 


548 


15 


1958 


46 


774 


30 


1959 




900 


80 


Co-operative farms 








1955 


107 


93 




1956 


83 


202 




1957 


64 


581 


10 


1958 


49 


914 


28 


1959 




900 


80 


Individual farmers 








with co-operatives 








1958 


a 


300 


30 


1959 


a 


450 


80 


1960 


a 


600 


100 


Other individual 








farmers 








1955 


2,600 a 


48 e 




1956 


948 a 


48 e 




1957 


622 a 


69 e 




1958 


465a 


94 e 




1959 




110 e 




1960 




150 e 


7. 3 



Sources: National statistics, and information supplied by the Federal 
Statistical Office. (For state and co-operative farms in 
1959: Privredni Pregled, 29 November 1959. ) 



As published in United Nations, Economic Survey of Europe 
in 1959, Geneva, 1960, p. 49. 



Table 6 (continued) 



Year and type 


Farms applying the new technique 


Wheat 










Ar 


ea 


Yield 


Output 


of farm 












Thousand 


Percentage 


Quintals 


Percentage 




ha. 


of total 


per ha. 


of total 


State farms 










1955 


50 


2.8 


17.9 


4. 1 


1956 


41 


2.6 


15.4 


4.0 


1957 


59 


3.0 


23.5 


4.5 


1958 


71 


3.6 


24.9 


7.2 


1959 


94 


4.4 


44. 


10.0 


Co-operative farms 










1955 


56 


2.9 


17. 3 


4.0 


1956 


41 


2.5 


15.4 


4.0 


1957 


47 


2. 3 


22. 1 


3.3 


1958 


42 


2. 1 


22.6 


4.0 


1959 


83 


3.8 


42.0 


8.5 


Individual farmers 










with co-operatives 






18. 0^ 




1958 


76 


3.8 


5.6 


1959 


232 


10.9 


27. 8 b 


16.1 


1960 


465 


23. 






Other individual 










farmers 










1955 






12.5* 




1956 






9.5* 




1957 






15. 2 




1958 






11.9 




1959 






15.6 




1960 











Note. — For wheat, area sown refers to the autumn preceding that of 
the year shown. 

a General co-operatives perform most ploughing for individual col- 
laborating farmers and some for individual farmers who do not col- 
laborate. The availability of tractors shown therefore represents 
the stock of tractors outside state and co-operative farms divided by 
the corresponding arable area. 



Table 6 (continued) 



Year and type 
of farm 


Farms applying the new technique 


Maize 


Ar 


ea 


Yield 


Output 


Thousand 


Percentage 


Quintals 


Percentage 




ha. 


of total 


per ha. 


of total 


State farms 










1955 


64 


2.6 


20. 1 


3.3 


1956 


58 


2.2 


21.5 


3.7 


1957 


68 


2.6 


37.8 


4.5 


1958 


70 


2.9 


42.9 


7.6 


1959 


72* 


2.8 


55.0 


7. 


Co-operative farms 










1955 


52 


2. 1 


20.3 


2.7 


1956 


45 


1.7 


22.7 


3.0 


1957 


50 


1.9 


35.7 


3.2 


1958 


47 


2.0 


39.7 


4. 7 


1959 


50* 


1.9 


52.0 


5.0 


Individual farmers 










with co-operatives 










1958 


54 


2. 3 


39.3 


5.4 


1959 


310 


12.0 


45.0 


20.6 


1960 


608 c 


23.4 






Other individual 










farmers 










1955 






15. 3* 




1956 






12.9* 




1957 






20.8 




1958 






14. 2 




1959 






22. 1 




1960 











"Yields obtained exclusively by those who collaborated fully were 20. 6 
quintals in 1958 and 39. 1 quintals in 1959. 

c Plan. 



Table 6 (continued) 



Year and type 
of farm 


Farms applying 


the new technique 




Sugar 


-beet 




Area 


Yield 


Output 


Thousand 


Percentage 


Quintals 


Percentage 




ha. 


of total 


per ha - 


of total 


State farms 










1955 


6 


7.9 


193 


7.8 


1956 


6 


8.8 


153 


8.5 


1957 


8 


9.2 


283 


10.6 


1958 


8 


10.8 


262 


13.7 


1959 


8* 


9.8 


373 


11.9 


Co-operative farms 










1955 


6 


8.0 


204 


8.4 


1956 


6 


8.5 


196 


10.3 


1957 


7 


8.8 


275 


10.0 


1958 


8 


11.0 


222 


11.9 


1959 


9* 


11.0 


345 


12.3 


Individual farmers 










with co-operatives 










1958 










1959 










1960 




22 d 






Other individual 










farmers 










1955 






201 




1956 






157 




1957 






238 




1958 






158 




1959 






280* 




1960 











^Serbia only. 

e Per hectare of arable area. 



Agriculture of Yugoslavia 133 

introduce these special varieties to the private as well as so- 
cialist sector of agriculture. 

The long-term plan also stresses greatly increased live- 
stock output, an increase by approximately 53 per cent as com- 
pared with the 1951-1956 average. The breeding of domestic 
livestock with imported livestock, the crossing of domestic sheep 
with the merino sheep, a considerable expansion in livestock 
raising and with it an expansion in the production of cattle food, 
and, finally, the reclamation of pastures and grazing lands and 
the training of many more veterinarians, have all been given 
greatly increased attention. The number of livestock is finally 
showing a slow increase (see Table 7). 



Table 7 



NUMBER OF LIVESTOCK per thousand heads 



1931 
1949 
1952 
1956 
1960 a 



a Preliminary results of January 15, 1960 census. 
Source: Statisticki Godisnjak FNRJ I960, pp. 129-130 



The great potential for fruit-growing was cited above. Large 
fruit orchards are limited. The small, peasant type orchard 
predominates. Present plans call for the addition of 50,000 
hectares of large orchards, mainly in Macedonia and the Adriatic 
littoral. Plum trees cover the largest area, mostly in western 
Serbia and in northern Bosnia and Slovenia. They are followed 
in order of their importance by apples, pears, peaches, apricots, 
cherries, strawberries and nuts. Figs, citrus fruit, pomegranates 
and olives are limited to southern regions, and are mostly grown 



Cattle 


Sheep 
10,934 


Pigs 
4,457 


Poultry 


4,718 


19,939 


5,278 


11,654 


4, 135 


19, 354 


4,834 


10,522 


3,999 


20, 440 


5,206 


11,360 


4,655 


25,938 


5, 309 


11,460 


6, 208 


30,088 



134 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

on the Adriatic coast and in the Aegean valleys. Here, too, 
improved methods of fruit-growing during the last few years 
have contributed to increasing yields. Vineyards now cover 
close to two per cent of the agricultural area. The area has 
been expanded in recent years and better varieties of grapes 
have been introduced. The bottleneck is still the absence of 
modern wine-cellars. Yugoslav wines are exported to many- 
countries, and the Dalmatian wines are the best known. 

Two other agricultural activities merit brief mention, 
fishing and forestry. Fishing is carried on in the Adriatic Sea, 
and over 250,000 hectares of fresh water lakes and rivers. The 
annual catch averages around 25,000 tons, with sea fishing ac- 
counting for roughly 60 per cent. The socialist sector accounts 
for 77 per cent of the total sea fishing. Production has greatly 
increased during the last few years as a result of more than 
doubling the available motor- boats. Blue fish contribute over 
70 per cent of the total sea-catch. 

Yugoslavia ranks fourth in its forest wealth in Europe, and 
34.5 per cent of the total area is under forest. Over 71 per cent 
of this consists of broadleaved timber with beech and oak pre- 
dominant. The fir tree and juniper are the most prevalent among 
the coniferous trees. Over 75 per cent of all woodlands are 
publicly- owned. Table 8 classifies forests according to type, 
and economic value. Yugoslavia has very favorable conditions 
for the growth of forests, and, with the exception of the high 
Karst and parts of central Macedonia, there is hardly any region 
without forests. During "World War II and until the middle of the 
fifties, the felling of trees exceeded the new growth. But af- 
forestation and protection of damaged forests has received con- 
siderable attention since that time. The amount of timber felled 
between 1945 and 1954 ranged from 4.1 to 7 million cubic metres, 
and was almost up to the pre-war level. Since that time, felling 
has declined, not because of a smaller demand, but for purposes 
of conservation. Forest development has been greatly accelerated 
during the last few years. Access to unexploited regions is now 
given priority, and it is estimated that annual fellings may be 
increased to 9 million cubic metres without risk, if the lands not 
yet exploited are opened up. Inasmuch as the export of pulpwood, 
sawn timber and furniture plays a very important role, increased 
production will be very beneficial to the economy as a whole. 



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136 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

Outlook : Having briefly surveyed the many changes in 
Yugoslav agriculture, the obvious question is raised about hopes 
and problems for the years ahead. The Yugoslav economic 
development during the last 5 years has shown a continuous 
growth, not only in industrial production, which has increased 
during most of the postwar years, but also in agricultural pro- 
duction, which went from stagnation in the early postwar period 
to decline in the early 1950's, and has finally increased since 
1956. Increased farm output today is a major goal of the Yu- 
goslav government. The continuous and accelerated introduction 
of modern farming methods, especially by increased emphasis 
on cooperation between the private farmer and the agricultural 
cooperatives, will leave its impact even on the most backward 
region. 3 Such cooperation will be greatly facilitated by an 
increasing availablility of tractors and fertilizers, and this in 
turn is an essential prerequisite for the introduction of modern 
methods. The government during the last few years has shown 
every intention of emphasizing both. The farmer tends to find 
it more attractive to cooperate, in view of the higher yields and 
greater returns per hectare which have generally resulted, 
especially as he does not lose his land through collectivization. 
Since 1959 Yugoslavia has been self sufficient in cereals, for the 
first time, in the case of wheat, in ten years. Production in 
several industrial crops, sugar beets or hemp for example, 
is now also sufficient to satisfy domestic requirements. Cotton 
and a number of tropical products will have to be imported in 
the years ahead, but exports of feed grains, meat, fruit, tobacco 
and a small quantity of wheat will play an increasingly important 
role in the Yugoslav economy. Closely connected with increasing 
agricultural production is the processing of food. Frozen and 
canned fruits, meat and vegetables already have made their 
appearance on the markets and there are opportunities for greatly 
increased sales, both on the domestic and foreign markets. 

Finally, a significant place among future possibilities is held 
by drainage and irrigation works. The Danube- Tisza- Danube water 
system, and inprovements in Macedonia and along the river systems 
of the Sava, Morava and Neretva, will make it possible in the 
future to reclaim over 1.5 million hectares of land. This improved 
land will in turn facilitate increased production of cotton, early 
vegetables, fruit, tobacco and other industrial plants. Thanks to 



Agriculture of Yugoslavia 137 

varied climatic conditions, Yugoslavia has an unrivaled opportunity 
to provied western Europe with important farm products all year 
around. 

Yugoslavia's agricultural development is still backward, 
considering the progress made in some of the climatically less 
fortunate countries of western Europe. On the other hand, pro- 
gress made during the last four to five years has been remarkable 
and a careful study of future plans leads to the conclusion that 
Yugoslav agriculture has reached a turning point in its long uphill 
fight. 



Notes 

Some of the material summarized in this article has been 
discussed in greater detail in the following recent works of the 
author: 

(with Fred Warner Neal), The New Yugoslavia , The Twentieth 
Century Fund, New York, to be published in 1961. 

"Eastern Europe, " A Geography of Europe , George W. Hoffman 
(ed. ), 2nd revised ed. , The Ronald Press Company, New York, 
1961. 

"Yugoslavia: Changing Character of Rural Life and Rural Econ- 
omy, " The American Slavic and East European Review , XVII, 
1959, p"p7~555-578. 

1. Throughout this article the term also includes forestry. 
The term meadow includes land in grass cut regularly for hay 
with grazing of minor importance. The term pasture includes 
land in grass and used primarily for grazing and occasionally 
dotted with trees; at times hay is cut from pastures. 

2. During the later 1930's the government took special 
action to reduce these debts. Mid*- European Studies Center 
staff, Yugoslavia , Robert F. Byrnes, general editor, East- 
Central Europe under the Communists, New York, 1957, pp. 
234-235. 

3. Scientific zoning for the establishment of agricultural 
regions was tried in pre-war Yugoslavia, but never completed. 
The United States Department of Agriculture in 1943 completed 

a map of agricultural production in Yugoslavia which also showed 
surplus and deficit areas of various products, based on cereals 
and livestock production and a number of specialized products 
in selected areas. B. Z. Milojevic, Yugoslavia , Geographical 
Survey , Committee for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries 



138 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

Belgrade, 1958, discusses general economic-geographic regions 
and recognizes six, giving for each the main agricultural charac- 
teristics. In his monograph, "Le Vallees Principales de la 
Yougoslavie, " Memoires de la Societe Serbe de Geographie , 
Belgrade, IX, 1958, pp. 7o~-87, Milosevic also includes a dis- 
cussion of agricultural characteristics within his four climatic- 
economic subdivisions. Josip Roglic, "Prilog regionalnoj 
podjeli Jugoslavije, " (Contribution to the Understanding of the 
Regional Division of Yugoslavia), Geografski Glasnik XVI- XVII, 
1954-1955, pp. 9-22, presents the main agricultural features 
in his regional divisions based on a topographic-economic- 
historical criteria. Aleksandra Stebut, Nasi glavni poljoprivredni 
reoni (Our main agricultural regions), Belgrade, F926, bases his 
classification largely on climatic divisions. A recent study by 
the Yugoslav government for the FAO, based on orographic and 
natural conditions, distinguishes five agricultural production 
regions. Yougoslavie , Project FAO de Developpement mediter - 
ranean, rapport national^ Food and Agriculture Organization of 
the United Nations , FAO/59/8/6041, Belgrade, 1959, pp. 61-67. 
See also the discussions by Jozo Tomasevich, Peasants , Politics , 
and Economic Change in Yugoslavia , Stanford,i 1955, pp. 262-286. 
One of the reasons for the great difficulties in establishing clear- 
cut agricultural zones is the fact that mixed cereal production 
and animal husbandry are typical for every regional subdivision. 

4. The large spring rains often lead to flooding of the main 
rivers which, in turn, is due to the low gradient of these rivers. 

5. Alfred Serko, "Kraski pojavi v Jugoslaviji, " (The Karst 
Phenomena in Yugoslavia), Geografski Vestnik (Ljubljana), XIX, 
1947, pp. 43-66. 

6. They can be small hollows or Skrape , some larger depres- 
sions, doline, and uvale , comprising several doline. 

7. In 1956 over three million sheep and cattle were fed from 
economic forests. For a most valuable study of this whole prob- 
lem see FAO, FAO Mediterranean Development Project , Rome 
1959, pp. 181-191. 

8. H. R. Wilkinson, "Jugoslav Kosmet: The Evolution of 

a Frontier Province and its Landscape, M Transactions and Papers , 
The Institute of British Geographers , No. 21, 1955, pp. 171-193. 

9. George Woodbridge, UNRRA , The History of the United 
Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, 3 volumes, 
New York 195 OTVol. II, part 5 and Vol. Ill, pp. 138-170 and 
tables pp. 494-497 specifically refer to Yugoslavia. 

10. Ranko M. Brashich, Land Reform and Ownership in 
Yugoslavia , 1919-1953, Mid- European Studies Center, Free 
Europe Committee, Inc. New York, 1954, pp. 47-55. 



Agriculture of Yugoslavia 139 

11. Vladimir Djuric, "Changements de Structure de la 
Population dans la Vojvodina" (Changes in the structure of the 
population in the Vojvodina), Recueil de travaux de rinstitut de 
Geographic Belgrade, III, 1956, pp. 3-13. [m Serbian with 
French abstract) 

12. Among the four types of Peasant Work Cooperatives, 
only the fourth type, where land is actually transferred to the 
collective ownership, has received special attention. This is 
the type closely modeled after the Soviet kolkhozi . 

13. Total collectivized arable land at that time amounted to 
11 per cent in Slovenia, 14 per cent in Croatia, 50 per cent in 
the Vojvodina, and 63 per cent in Macedonia. 

14. Many peasants who were forced into collectives tried to 
withdraw after the expiration of the three-year term of contract 
(in 1951). This was customary for three types of Peasant Work 
Cooperatives. 

15. According to Petko Rasic, Agricultural Development 

in Yugoslavia, Jugoslavije, Belgrade 1955, p. 45, 25 per cent 
"ol the Peasant Work Cooperatives were disbanded in 1952 alone. 
Also, "Farm Cooperatives Enter a New Phase, " Yugoslav 
Review , I, January 1952, p. 9. 

16. C. de Fellner, "The Fate of Collective Agriculture in 
Yugoslavia, " World Crops , 1954, Vol. VI, February 1954, pp. 
51-54. The new decree on Property Relations and Reorganiza- 
tion of the Peasant Work Cooperatives was promulgated on March 
30, 1953. 

17. Kardelj holds a position similar to that of Prime Minister. 
Fred Warner Neal, "Yugoslav Communist Theory, " American 
Universities Field Staff Reports , FWN-May 1954, p. 13. 

18. Cooperation was not new in Yugoslav agriculture where 
the tradition of zadruga or family cooperative was strong, 
especially in parts of Serbia, Croatia and eastern Slovenia. 
For a detailed discussion of the functions and purposes of the 
zadruga see Jozo Tomasevich, op. cit. , pp. 178-189. 

19. "Agricultural Cooperatives in a New Role, " Jugopress , 
July 21, 1957, pp. 1-3. 

20. Dusan Lopandic, "System of Cooperation in Yugoslav 
Agriculture, " Review of International Affairs , Vol. XI, February 
16, 1960, p. 20*: 

21. Harold L. Koeller, "Yugoslavia Experiences An Agricultural 
Explosion," Foreign Agriculture , XXIV, June, I960, pp. 15-60. 



140 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

22. For details see the report published by the United 
Nations, Economic Survey of Europe 1959, Geneva, 1960, 
chapter VII, pp. 48^50T 

n 

23. Yugoslavia adopted a law in 1959 requiring forcible 
adoption of modern methods when land is improperly tilled. It 
is for example possible under this law that land may be requi- 
sitioned for a 3 year period and cultivated by local cooperatives 

1 

S 

3 

I 

3 



THE GEOGRAPHICAL SETTING OF MEDIEVAL DUBROVNIK 

By Josip Roglic, Professor of Geography, 
University of Zagreb, Yugoslavia 



Dubrovnik lies on the coast of southern Yugoslavia. The 
beauty of its setting makes it one of the most attractive places 
on the Mediterranean coast, and it has become a tourist resort 
and meeting place for international conferences and festivals. 
But, it is somewhat isolated; it lacks normal railroad connections 
with the rest of Yugoslavia, and relies upon steamships and air 
connections, both of which are liable to be interrupted by the 
weather. 

Life thus tends to be seasonal. Tourism develops mainly 
in summer, while winter finds Dubrovnik isolated. Only with 
the organization of winter tourism will Dubrovnik develop to the 
full its climatic advantages. The January average is 49° F. which 
places it among the mildest localities existing along the Mediter- 
ranean coast, warmer than Nice (47°), Barcelona (48°), and Naples 
(48°). 

The chief attraction of the city is the perfect harmony of its 
landscape. The merging of the city with its surroundings is so 
complete that Dubrovnik has an attraction known to few other 
places in the world. It is built of stone from its immediate vicinity, 
and appears thus to grow out of it. 

Dubrovnik is well placed for the development of today's villas 
and hotels, but the local economic resources are very small. The 
immediate area is so unproductive and so lacking in both fertile 
soil and water that it would not seem to be possible for even a 
small village to develop here. Above the city the completely 
exposed limestone of Mount Srd (412 m. ) rises steeply, and be- 
yond it, towards the interior of Yugoslavia, stretches the ex- 
tensive poor and karstic Dinaric Mountains. It is difficult under 

141 




The location of Dubrovnik. Note the contrast between the old 
core of the medieval city and the newer developments. 




The port of Dubrovnik. The large building near the water in 
the right foreground is the Quarantine Warehouse. 



Dubrovnik 143 

conditions existing today to under stand the site of Dubrovnik. 
One may ask what conditioned the founding, development and 
prosperity of the city during the Middle Ages. From what source 
did the city's lifeblood come, and why was the city built on this 
particular site? 

To understand this question it is necessary to examine the 
major features of its history. At the beginning of the 7th. century 
the Slavic migration destroyed the economically better- situated 
Epidaurum (the present site of Cavtat), approximately 11 kilometers 
to the southeast of Dubrovnik. Some refugees from Epidaurum 
formed the new settlement of Ragusium above the cliffs of a small 
island, while on the neighboring shore the Slavic settlement of 
Dubrovnik arose. ' ' 3 By the end of the 13th. century the 
two settlements had joined; the dividing waterway had been filled 
inj and the combined community protected by common walls, and 
from this time on Dubrovnik developed according to a plan. The 
two names Ragusium and Dubrovnik had different destinies: although 
Ragusium became known in European literature it was soon for- 
gotten by the Croatian population, while Dubrovnik was the name 
used by the Slavs. 

Until the beginning of the 13th. century Dubrovnik, like most 
of the Dalmatian Coast, was under the control of the Byzantine 
Empire. With the weakening of the Byzantine power and the 
creation of independent slavic states in the interior, Dubrovnik 
accepted the protection of the then powerful republic of Venice. 

For a century and a half, Dubrovnik attempted to establish 
more favorable with the envious and unscrupulous Venetian 
Republic, while at the same time Dubrovnik fostering good re- 
lations with its neighbors in the hinterland. After the victory 
of the King Ludovik of Hungary and Croatia over the Venetians 
in 1358, Dubrovnik passed under the protection of the Hungarian 
kings and paid tribute to them as it had done previously to Venice. 

The period of control by the Hungarian- Croatian kings (1358- 
1526) was more favorable for Dubrovnik. The strong power of 
the king was far away; the city enjoyed a degree of independence 
and of power in its immediate hinterland, while Venice was care- 
ful to avoid conflict with a strong adversary, such as Dubrovnik' s 
protector, the King of Hungary. From this situation Dubrovnik 
skillfully extracted the greatest possible benefits. 



144 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

As a result of the battle of Mohacs (1526), Dubrovnik ac- 
cepted and paid for the protection of the Turkish Sultans who 
became by far their most powerful neighbors. This situation 
continued until 1806, when the occupation by Napoleon ended the 
centuries of independence of the small republic. 

For an understanding of the characteristics and potentialities 
of early Dubrovnik, knowledge of its territorial development is 
essential. Until the second half of the 13th. century, Dubrovnik 
was limited to the small coastal area of Astarea, at the foot of 
Mount Srd (Fig. 39). The richest of the citizens of Dubrovnik 
cautiously and gradually extended their private holdings to the 
territory of the Slavic princes in the hinterland. At the end of 
the 13th. century Dubrovnik included the island of Lastovo and, 
with a further expansion at the beginning of the 15th. century, the 
Republic came to consist of a definite area, bounded on the coast 
by the peninsula of Peljesca in the north and the entrance to the 
Bay of Kotor in the south, together with the islands of Mljet and 
Lastovo and the neighboring coastal island group (Fig. 36). The 
territorial expansion of Dubrovnik was mainly attained by purchase 
and compromise, by benefiting from political competition and 
consistantly avoiding wars. 2 ' 3 ' 4 ' 5 At the beginning of the 
15th. century (1413-17) Dubrovnik for a short time occupied the 
islands of Korcula, Hvar and Brae. It soon withdrew, however, 
from this dominating position on important sailing routes (Fig. 37) 
within its own politically well- tested borders. 

Enjoying the formal protection of the stronger Hungarian 
power, exploiting the great business possibilities of the poor but 
extensive Turkish Empire, Dubrovnik attained great experience 
and wealth. It obtained manysided benefits from the western 
christian states. At the same time Dubrovnik was the doorway 
to the Ottoman Empire, used by many missionaries, merchants 
and adventurers. 

In the 16th. century, Dubrovnik was at the peak of its power. 
The small state with around 1092 square kilometers of territory 
and 80,000 people enjoyed a great reputation and carried on many 
kinds of commerce with the hinterland, and across the seas it 
traded with all centers from the Levant to England. Economic 
and political power stimulated a developed cultural life. This 
period of great success ended as a result of the crisis in which 
Mediterranean commerce was challenged by the Great Discoveries 



Dubrovnik 147 

and the growth of ocean navigation. In this period Dubrovnik 
experienced the great earthquake of 1667 which destroyed the 
main city and killed two-thirds of the population. As a result 
of this tragedy, Dubrovnik was no longer able to regain its former 
significance. 

Geographical position is essential to an evaluation of the 
state of Dubrovnik, its functions and conditions of existence. 

Position on the Sea : The longitudinal sailing route through 
the Adriatic Sea used the safe passage between the Dalmatian 
islands (Fig. 37), which explains the position of the old Greek 
colonies and Venetian footholds (Korcula, Hvar and Zadar). 
This route left the islands at Korcula and Losinj, which thus 
developed a strong maritime tradition. The main centers along 
the sailing route were Hvar and Zadar. 

Dubrovnik was located near the southern end of the route 
between the islands but at the same time it lay on the open sea. 
It did not need to come into conflict with the Venetian galleys 
which in full sight of Dubrovnik sailed the high seas from the 
Korculan gate, where the island route began. Holding Peljesac, 
Dubrovnik shared the occupation of the important Korculan gate 
with Venice. The main advantage of the position on the sea was 
that it was on an open coast and a short distance away from the 
great sailing route. This enabled Dubrovnik to navigate freely, 
and to live in harmony and avoid conflict with Venice. 

The Dubrovnik seacoast, except for Zupa and Konavle, is a 
mainly karstic and economically valueless area, separated from 
the hinterland by bare limestone hills. From the economically 
valuable Konavle, i.e. Epidaurum, the first of Dubrovnik' s 
population had escaped to return again in more recent times as 
conquerors. The Dubrovnik seacoast had neither an attractive 
bay nor a usable harbor, such as the Bay of Kotor. Obviously 
the city's prosperity was not derived from the seacoast, nor did 
it come from the sea. For an appreciation of the importance of 
Dubrovnik and of its development, its position and connection 
with the hinterland are of major significance. 

Position in respect to the Hinterland : Dubrovnik' s hinterland 
is the main massif of the Dinaric Mountains, the central moun- 
tainous area of present day Yugoslavia. This region is of special 
importance in the economic significance and role of Dubrovnik. 
In some areas, as in the hinterland of Split, for example, parallel 



148 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

mountain chains obstruct the journey inland; in others, as along 
the Bay of Kotor, the mountains themselves come to the coast, 
but at Dubrovnik they gradually rise, so that this zone is relatively 
easily crossed all the way to the Morava Valley, the main commer- 
cial artery of Southeast Europe. Over these plateaus livestock- 
raising was developed at an early date- and became the basis of the 
region's economic importance, of its social structure and its 
political role. The shepherds were actually Vlachs, the des- 
cendents of the pre- slavic population. They had experienced a 
long tradition of animal husbandry and they had adapted their 
way of live to it. 

According to the seasons of the year, the shepherds lived 
either in the summer pastures in the mountains, or wintered in 
the coastal zone or in the basins of the continental hinterland. 7 
In the undeveloped economy and insecure conditions of the moun- 
tainous area, cattle were of great value, and this explains why 
in the popular vocabulary, cattle are called "wealth." Among the 
animals, sheep were called the "mother of the poor, " because they 
provided the necessary wool, fat and meat. The summer pastures 
were on the limestone plateaus east and west of the upper Drina 
River (Fig. 38). The mingling of the shepherds from the coastal 
and the continental areas during the summer led to close contacts 
between them and enabled them to undertake together obligations 
of importance for Dubrovnik. 

The nature of transhumance demanded mutual understanding 
and cooperation among those who practised it; it stimulated and 
maintained tribal organization. It necessitated the regular ac- 
ceptance of rights of pasture and of the free movement of animals. 
Transhumance, stockbreeding, and the legal customs associated 
with them provided the economic and legal basis for the creation 
of the first independent south- slav states. These developed first 
and existed longest in the livestock-breeding hinterland of Du- 
brovnik: Raska, Travunia, Zahumlje, the medieval Serbian State, 
Bosnia and Hercegovina. 

The Functions of Dubrovnik: In the fall, the shepherds drove 
the fattened cattle to the lower area of the Humina in the immediate 
hinterland of Dubrovnik and sold the surplus animals. The Dubrov- 
nik merchants bought a large quantity of fattened cattle, wool, 
hides and cheese, and with their ships transported them to the 
Italian cities. The necessity of rapid transport explains the 



150 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

building and use of large ships of up to 1600 tons carrying ca- 
pacity. u The cattle were a source of money income for both 
the shepherds and the Dubrovnik merchants, and Dubrovnik 
skillfully developed its commercial functions from the very 
earliest period of its history. Everything indicates that this 
role was not developed on the inaccessible cliffs, where the 
refugees from Epidaurum took refuge, but that it was inherited 
from the abandoned city. The earlier experience of Epidaurum 
undoubted influenced the selection of the site of Ragusium. 
Epidaurum had enjoyed a favorable position for its commercial 
role because it had a good port and the shepherds wintered in 
Konavle, close to the city. In the organization of the new city 
there was maintained a close contact between the backward 
shepherds and the rich city merchants. The selection of the 
site for the new community was not accidental; it was in harmony 
with earlier experiences. Dubrovnik traded and maintained good 
relations with the people of the hinterland, but the latter were 
not allowed to winter on the territory of the Republic nor to re- 
main within the city. 

The continuation of the commercial functions of old 
Epidaurum explains the successful and rapid advancement of the 
new settlement on the defensible but otherwise valueless rocky 
island of Ragusium. The commercial orientation and the close 
relationship with the hinterland explains the rapid coalescence 
of the refugee center of Ragusium with Slavic Dubrovnik. 

With money earned from the sale of the cattle, Dubrovnik 
merchants bought various goods for local needs and also for the 
distant, cattle- raising hinterland. Dubrovnik supplied salt to 
the shepherds, either imported or from their own salt works. 
To the stockraisers, salt was a basic requirement, and the 
citizens of Dubrovnik accordingly regulated and strengthened 
Ston, where their main salt works were located. 

A particularly important activity at Dubrovnik was the or- 
ganization and utilization of the stock-breeding hinterland. With 
the opening up of the summer pastures in the mountains, the 
shepherds returned with their herds from the lower coastal zone 
and from the basins of the hinterland. The natural relief of the 
plateau, the abundance of draught animals, the ability and the 
modest needs of the Vlachs, enabled the Dubrovnik merchants 
to organize a caravan commerce with the interior. 8 



Dubrovnik 151 

Beyond the mountain ridge of the coast range the route 
crossed the Humina area, where the first center, Trebinje 
was located. There the route divided into several branches, 
one to the lower Neretva River, another to the Zeta River, 
while the main route continued to the pass of Cemerno (1300 m. ) 
and on to Foca on the Drina (Fig. 38). Before reaching Foca a 
route branched off towards Bosnia. The caravan trail in the 
higher mountainous region did not lead to the establishment of 
visible features; the draught animals were changed in mountain 
stalls, while the drivers rested; and the commercial route the 
followed the shepherds' paths through the highest area. 

From Foca the route continued across the cattle- rich pla- 
teau of Stari Vlah to the old commercial centers on the Morava 
and Vardar rivers. The organization of the caravan and com- 
mercial connections extended to Skopje, Thessaloniki, Istanbul, 
Sofia and Belgrade. In the economic life of these centers, the 
merchants of Dubrovnik played an important role. They had 
their own special quarters in the cities and beautiful monuments, 
such as the "Kursumli" tavern in Skopje, underlines the impor- 
tance of and the big investment in these commercial connections. 

The strong, cheap and well organized caravan- transport 
facilitated the shipment of valuable goods from the hinterland, 
especially ores of silver, lead, copper and gold, as well as 
other products, while in the return direction came valuable and 
expensive products of Italian handicraft industries. The cattle- 
raising hinterland was the main basis of the economic life and 
of the expansion of medieval Dubrovnik. In addition to developing 
the basic commerce in cattle and salt, which was consumed in 
great quantities, the shepherds extended the commercial role 
of the Dubrovnik merchants into the hinterland as far as the main 
commercial centers of Southeast Europe. The caravans were 
the bridge across the Dinaric Mountains, and the trade routes 
were important in extending the cultural and political influences 
of Dubrovnik. 

This economic and cultural influence of Dubrovnik was re- 
flected in the political life of the hinterland. It enabled the 
independent states to profit from their economic resources and 
thus to strengthen their power and political independence. With- 
out the strength which came from trade with Dubrovnik it would 
not have been possible for cattle- raising Raska to develop 



152 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

into the strong medieval Serbian State; and the same is also 
true of the later Bosnian State. The commercial route from 
Dubrovnik also brought monetary wealth, which is reflected in 
the location and beauty of the medieval Serbian monasteries, 
situated mainly near the eastern end of the mountainous caravan 
trails. 

Dubrovnik knew well how to benefit from the mutual dis- 
sentions of its important but socially and politically unstable 
hinterland. Its commercial pragmatism kept it out of the wars 
and the internal conflicts of its hinterland. Dubrovnik maintained 
close relations with the stronger factions and played cleverly 
on the weaknesses of its neighbors. To divide and control was 
the basic political principle of the small republic. The leaders 
of the states and tribes of the hinterland obtained large cash 
incomes from trade with Dubrovnik, and these they regularly 
deposited in Dubrovnik as an insurance against any emergency. 
With chosen gifts and dazzling receptions, Dubrovnik bought 
the good will and stimulated the vanity of the political leaders 
of the hinterland, and this insured Dubrovnik' s priority, political 
independence and material gain. 

With its centuries of political and business experience, 
Dubrovnik obtained from its middleman role such advantages as 
others would not have been able to gain with power. Dubrovnik 
was the main center for its cattle -raising hinterland, and was 
commonly referred to as the "city, " a title which it has preserved 
until today. Its orientation towards the hinterland explains 
Dubrovnik' s greater importance there than along the rest of the 
Dalmation coast. Dubrovnik extracted from a wide hinterland 
the resources for its existence, and toward this important and 
profitable area, Dubrovnik acted as a merchant and protector. 
The skillfull management of relations with the hinterland was 
the chief concern of the Dubrovnik republic. The cessation of 
this middleman function would have been as much of a loss for 
the hinterland as it would have been for cities and countries 
beyond the Mediterranean. 9 

Trans-Mediterranean Connections : Mediterranean con- 
nections were simple and of secondary importance. Maritime 
affairs and maritime commerce were a reflection of the con- 
nection and commerce with the hinterland. In trans- Mediter- 
ranean relations, Dubrovnik was commercially important, but 



154 Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 

on the sea she allowed her commercially oriented partners 
to rule, and avoided engagement in foreign conflicts. The 
interests of Dubrovnik were secured by the patronage of a 
stronger state, namely Venice. 

From its hinterland Dubrovnik transported to the Mediter- 
ranean and especially to Italian markets, valuable and much 
needed goods: cattle, hides, metals, honey, wax, and the 
products of domestic handicrafts. It was, therefore, a valued 
commercial partner. 10 In this it was impossible to replace 
Dubrovnik, which had the tested ability to exploit the advantages 
and weaknesses of the hinterland. Thus Dubrovnik was able to 
manage its relations with the powerful and unscrupulous medieval 
Italian commercial republics with complete success. With cen- 
turies of trade, Dubrovnik became pre-eminent not only in com- 
merce, but also in maritime experience and in ship- building. 
It had its own excellent ships, a type called "ragusium" (or 
argosy), which was also popular in the English fleet. 

The Significance of Dubrovnik' s topographical position : 
Dubrovnik' s function was adjusted to the stimulus of its topo- 
graphical position. The vicinity of the city was compressed 
between Mount Srd and the sea, and agriculturally it was 
very poor. This was a constant reminder to the citizens of 
Dubrovnik that their life's blood had to be drawn from their 
relations with distant areas. 

The city was isolated and well protected from its backward 
hinterland, and the natural separateness made possible the 
strict social isolation, which Dubrovnik maintained towards the 
hinterland. From the immediate hinterland Dubrovnik was 
protected by the steep limestone Mount Srd. This was a natural 
advantage for Dubrovnik in its relations with the hinterland. The 
city, attractive and prosperous, was a challenge to the greed of 
the poor population of the hinterland. But nature had shut off 
Dubrovnik from their view; defensive measures and special 
social ordinances limited other forms of contact between these 
socially and economically diverse areas. The immediate neigh- 
borhood of the city forms a kind of peninsula, jutting from the 
hinterland (Fig. 39); the deep valleys of Sumet and Zupa separate 
Srd and "Astarea" from the hinterland, entrance to the city was 
possible only by means of the pass of Brgat (251 m. ) where there 
were guards and fortifications to restrict further the approaches 
to the immediate vicinity of Dubrovnik. 



Dubrovnik 155 

The island of Lokrum protected the anchorage of the ships 
of Dubrovnik, and in the bays of Gruz and Rijeka was Dubrovnik' s 
shipbuilding and ship- repairing center. The port itself was very- 
small and not more than two sailing ships were able to dock in 
it at one time, evidence that the merchant fleet existed only for 
commerce. Dubrovnik' s fleet was, intact, strictly oriented 
toward trade; ships were valued according to the amount of 
goods which they could transport. Dubrovnik' s commercial 
function and social relationship with the interior were implicit 
in the structure of the city and the distribution of its functions. 

Urban Geography: Dubrovnik was surrounded by strong walls, 
which protected it from surprise attack, and foreigners had lim- 
ited entrance and were prohibited from dwelling within the city. 12 
Caravans disposed of their business during the day so as to avoid 
keeping the draught animals long before the city gates, and their 
drivers from remaining in the city. Dubrovnik was a strictly 
lay or civil community and never allowed the church to interfere 
in affairs of state, but it was prepared in its own interest to 
make skillful use of the support and help of the church. Only 
Catholics were allowed to dwell permanently within the city. 
Very characteristic was the site of the two beautiful monaster- 
ies (Fig. 40), the Dominican near the main eastern gate, and the 
Franciscan, near the western. The house of the preaching 
friars (Dominicans) and the double fortifications showed how 
important was the eastern gate, the main link with the hinter- 
land. 

Dubrovnik was an aristocratic republic in which the nobility 
were received and esteemed according to the value of their pos- 
sessions. 13 ' 14 ' 15 ' The Prince was carefully elected and held 
office for only a short time. He had to know well the opportunities 
of his city and republic, and to seek its advantages with all his 
energy. The writing over the entrance to the prince's palace: 
Privata obliti publica curate (Forgetting self, you must care for 
the public) was significant. The position of the Prince's residence 
was also carefully selected. From the garden terrace of his 
palace the Prince had a view of the port, of the caravan rout and 
of the quarantine area, the main focus of the business life of the 
small state. 

Outside the city walls there was a quarantine warehouse in 
which the goods transported over the mountains were stored and 



SO 100 



a 




Figure 40: The evolution and structure of the city of 
Dubrovnik. Note the areas of the sea that were filled in. 
1. Franciscan monastery. 2. Dominican monastery. 
3. Prince's Palace. 



Dubrovnik 157 

disinfected so as to avoid bringing disease into the city. It was 
also important that the goods should continue on towards their 
destination as soon as possible and thus avoid the need for a 
larger storage space. Everything in this small republic was 
intelligently planned, and all its resources were carefully 
utilized. Dubrovnik illustrates to perfection the importance 
of the perfect appreciation of the potentialities of space and of 
their skillful exploitation. 

The bourgeois revolution, which resulted from the Napoleonic 
conquest and the industrial revolution, interrupted the life of this 
small state. The railroad and the steamship did not follow the 
routes of the caravans and the galleys. The railroad followed 
the valleys that had previously been avoided, and the shepherds' s 
paths of the mountainous plateaus and the caravan stations were 
soon abandoned. The steamship led to the growth of maritime 
centers at the head of the Adriatic. The experienced Dubrovnik 
citizens continued to use their maritime and commercial skills, 
especially their role of middleman, but the change meant a 
radical break with the centuries of commercial tradition. As they 
had used the cattle-caravans by land, so they now undertook a 
similar role at sea. Many citizens of Dubrovnik settled in the 
largest coastal centers of the Adriatic and Mediterranean or in 
distant maritime countries where they successfully continued 
to use their business talents. 

The harmony of men and their environment is a specific char- 
acteristic of Dubrovnik and the surrounding area. It is a center of 
unusual artistic wealth, and the rediscovery of national culture 
and the development of tourism have opened up Dubrovnik and 
have given it an unusual popularity. International tourism found 
in Dubrovnik a charming resort of great natural and cultural 
beauty. "With the expansion of its economic activity Dubrovnik 
had early developed a culture of its own, which radiated into 
the hinterland where it had an important and far reaching in- 
fluence. Dubrovnik has thus been called the "Athens of the 
Slavs". Its buildings reflect this culture, and today it is one of 
the most attractive places on the shores of the Mediterranean 
Sea. In the past Dubrovnik had various contacts and influenced 
its hinterland to the east, but today it attracts visitors from the 
distant areas of central and northwest Europe. With the opening 
of good road connections in the near future, Dubrovnik will soon 



158 



Geographical Essays on Eastern Europe 



become the Mecca also of automobile tourists. Built for pe- 
destrians and the cattle- caravans, it is now necessary to adapt 
Dubrovnik to a new type of visitor. 

Visually considered, Dubrovnik is an enigma. It can be under- 
stood only in terms of the spatial and economic relations existing 
at the time when it originated and developed. Apart from Venice, 
there is probably no similar example of man's adaptation and 
use of space as Dubrovnik. 



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Wi 



T5W. 



La Mediterranee et le Monde Me- 
diterraneen a l'Epoque de Philippe 
tt. , Paris, T9TT. 

"Dubrovacko pomorstvo" (Maritime 
affairs of Dubrovnik), Spomenica 
stogodisnjici Nauticke skole, (Col- 
lection of articles foFthe hundred 
anniversary of the " Nautical school 

— inCroatiarTwith summary in world's 
languages), Dubrovnik, 1952. 

Utvrdenja grada Dubrovnika , (Les 
fortifications de la ville de Dubrovnik 

— summary in French), Zagreb, 1955. 

Le statut de Raguse, Codification 
medite du~XIII. siecle, Paris, 1894. 

O Drzavnom ustrojstvu Republike 
dubrovacke, (On the constitution of 
Dubrovnik — in Croatian) Rad JA, 
Zagreb, 1891. 

Die mittelalterliche Kanzlei der 
Ragusaner, Archiv fur slavische 
Philologie , Wien, l^R! 

Verfassungsgeschichte von Raguse. 
Zeitschr. fur Vergleichende Rechts- 
wissenschaft. Bd. 50. , Stuttgart, 

Tm~. 



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Geographical essays on Eastern main 
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